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by
Bruce Pardy Its government dominates its people. How did it go wrong...?
But America has instead become a managed society.
Here are eleven of the moments that
sent the ship off course...!
Written in 1777 but not fully ratified until 1781, the Articles created a weak federal government. It had a legislature but no executive or judicial branch. It lacked the power to enforce laws or raise money to maintain a military.
Under it, the individual States ran the show.
Under Article 2, the federal government had only those powers
"expressly delegated" to it. In 1787, the Constitutional Congress
scrapped the Articles to start again.
Section 8 of its first Article enumerated the powers of the federal government.
Clause 18 of Section 8 contained the most
important clue. It authorized Congress to make all laws "necessary
and proper" to executing its mandate.
But according to Hamilton, the clause gave
Congress the authority to pass laws that it regarded to be in the
national interest. When Hamilton proposed the creation of a national
bank to deal with Revolutionary War debt, a power not listed in
Article 1, President George Washington eventually agreed.
Powers,
That could have meant the federal government had no residual or implied powers.
But the section omits the key word: expressly. Article 2 of the Articles of Confederation said the federal government had only those powers expressly delegated.
The Tenth Amendment does not use that word. The "necessary and proper" clause delegates powers to the federal government that are not express but implied. That clause is the federal government's blank check.
Had the Tenth Amendment said "expressly" delegated, it might have altered the course of American government.
An angry attorney from Illinois named Charles J. Guiteau shot him in the stomach.
Jeffrey Tucker tells the story:
Under the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, certain federal civil servants would no longer serve at the pleasure of the president.
The Act initially applied to only about 10 per cent of the positions in the federal government, but its coverage grew rapidly. Today the president cannot appoint or dismiss most federal government employees.
But the Pendleton Act and its successors
did not end cronyism in the federal service. Instead, it shifted
appointment powers from the president to the heads of departments
and agencies.
If the president does not have the power to appoint and dismiss, how do the people?
The answer is that they do not...
"Medical Education in the United States and Canada" was written in 1910 by Abraham Flexner.
Rockefeller arranged millions of dollars in
grants to medical schools, research facilities, and hospitals that
embraced the report's recommendations.
Alternative approaches to healthcare, such as naturopathy, homeopathy, and osteopathy, were marginalized. The medical profession became a cartel. Competition for the pharmaceutical industry was stamped out.
The Flexner Report helped to create a top-down, standardized system of healthcare in North America. Institutional authority, not patient autonomy or informed consent, was its dominant feature. Governments and professional bodies enforce that system to this day.
More than a century after the Flexner Report, Covid-19 policies would reflect its principles and confirm its lasting influence.
Woodrow Wilson, sometimes called the first progressive president, took things a step further. Long before he became the President in 1913, Wilson published an essay called "The Study of Administration."
In it, he asserted that in a complex society, government administration should be regarded as a professional discipline. Public officials are an expert class in pursuit of the common good.
They should be allowed to operate above the
political fray.
Through legislation and executive orders, Wilson created more federal agencies with the power to act independently.
Among them were,
The Federal Reserve, created in 1913, wasn't just a government bank, but a policy and regulatory institution.
With extensive powers including the ability to
set interest rates, regulate banks, and act as lender of last
resort, the Federal Reserve acquired the mandate to manage the
economy.
That precedent stood until June 29, 2026, when the Court overturned Humphrey to allow President Donald Trump to fire Commissioner Rebecca Kelly Slaughter from the FTC without cause. The majority opinion found that the FTC exercises executive power.
Therefore, said the judgment, its commissioners are subject to removal at the pleasure of the President, in accordance with the separation of powers established in the Constitution.
The federal government had levied income taxes
before, during the Civil War. But the Supreme Court, in its 1895
decision in Pollock vs. Farmers' Loan & Trust, insisted that federal
income taxes had to be "apportioned among the states," as the First
Article of the Constitution states.
The 16th Amendment, proposed in 1909 and ratified in 1913, authorized Congress to tax income without apportionment. Congress wasted no time in reinstating a federal tax on incomes over $3,000.
The progressive federal income tax system was born.
In Westminster systems such as in the United Kingdom and Canada, the same people control the legislature and the government. In the United States, the legislative and executive branches are distinct.
Congress makes laws, while the president runs the government to carry them out. For a while, courts gave this idea constitutional status. In 1892, in Field vs. Clark, the Supreme Court stated that Congress cannot delegate legislative power to the President.
This non-delegation doctrine "is a principle
universally recognized as vital to the integrity and maintenance of
the system of government ordained by the Constitution."
The Tariff Act of 1922 authorized the president to adjust tariff rates to equalize production costs between domestic and foreign goods.
In 1928, in JW Hampton vs. United States, the Supreme Court decided that the statute was constitutional.
Statutes could delegate rule-making powers, the court said, if they included an "intelligible principle" to guide government action. That was the beginning of the end for the non-delegation doctrine. It has not been used since 1935 to strike down federal delegation of law-making authority.
Delegation of the power to make rules is the lifeblood of the administrative state.
Government would protect the economic well-being
of its people. In exchange, it would decide what was best. That deal
turned America's burgeoning administrative machinery into a welfare
state.
Before the New Deal, even in the face of the growing discretionary powers of government bureaucracies, citizens largely fended for themselves. The New Deal changed the role of government.
To this day, people expect governments to solve social problems and protect them from economic calamity.
When fiat currency is tied to a finite physical asset, governments cannot print currency at will. Every dollar issued must be backed by the physical asset - gold - and be convertible by citizens and foreign governments.
But the gold standard and the administrative state are incompatible. Wilson suspended the gold standard during the First World War to fund military expenses by printing money.
FDR killed it domestically in 1933 by prohibiting citizens from owning most forms of gold, ending convertibility and devaluing the dollar.
Richard Nixon ended international convertibility in 1971.
When dollars are not pegged to the value of gold, governments can create new money out of thin air, producing inflation and diminishing the value of their compounding debts.
Equal protection of the law means, in part, that
laws and governments cannot discriminate between Americans by race,
colour, sex or other personal characteristics.
Human rights were conceived to protect citizens from state power.
They prohibited arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture. But the Civil Rights Act and other modern human rights legislation compel private businesses and persons to toe the government's vision of good behavior.
They compel citizens to embrace select causes and identities. They outlaw personal preferences.
Operate a bakery and consider gay marriage to be
sacrilegious? You must bake the wedding cake, said the Colorado
Anti-Discrimination Act and its Civil Rights Commission.
This principle kept federal administrative agencies in check. Congress passed statutes that told them what they could do. Courts could review agency action to determine whether they were acting within those boundaries.
Where those statutes were ambiguous or uncertain,
courts had the power to interpret the limits of agency authority.
Bureaucracies were fenced in.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) had created a rule not explicitly authorized in its enabling statute. In Chevron vs. Natural Resources Defense Council, the Court held that the EPA could decide the limit of its own authority.
If an agency's interpretation of its own statute was reasonable, said the decision, courts should defer to the agency's take.
Unelected officials obtained judicial benediction to decide the boundaries of their own powers.
Agencies pushed those boundaries, asserting authority that statutes did not grant. Federal agencies became laws unto themselves. In 2024, in Loper Bright Enterprises vs. Raimondo, the Supreme Court overturned the Chevron decision, returning the authority to interpret ambiguous enabling statutes to the courts.
Time will tell whether and to what extent the decision will curb the power of federal agencies.
One senseless diktat followed another.
These edicts eviscerated civil liberties.
They destroyed businesses, cancelled jobs and education, tore families apart, and devastated people's health. Society unraveled. And yet, the administrative state excelled beyond its wildest dreams.
It succeeded in subordinating all other interests
- personal, political, commercial, institutional - to its priorities
and directives. The Covid regime has been its pinnacle achievement,
at least so far.
They couldn't...
The seeds of the nation's downfall are in the document itself. The Constitution does not prescribe an administrative state, but nor does it prevent one. Instead of a republic governed by the rule of law, America is now planned, directed, and supervised.
Broad discretion in the hands of a
technocratic managerial class has become the foundation of
American government.
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