
	by Sherwood Ross
	March 27, 2012
	from
	
	GlobalResearch Website
	
	 
	
	 
	
	 
	
	
	
	 
	
	
	U.S. corporations that reap billions from making nuclear weapons have "a 
	direct voice" as to "their use and deployment," according to professor 
	Michel Chossudovsky in a recently released book.
	
	What's more, he says, if nuclear weapons are integrated with conventional 
	armaments, a decision to use nuclear weapons could be made by battlefield 
	generals.
	
	On August 6, 2003, on Hiroshima Day, (August 6 1945), a secret meeting was 
	held at U.S. Strategic Command headquarters at the Offutt Air Force Base, 
	Omaha, Neb., that brought together more than 150,
	
		
		"senior executives from the nuclear industry 
		and military-industrial complex," writes Michel Chossudovsky, Director 
		of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) in Montreal.
		
		"This mingling of defense contractors, scientists and policy-makers was 
		not intended to commemorate Hiroshima". 
	
	
	According to a leaked draft of the agenda, the 
	secret session included discussions on "mini-nukes" and "bunker-buster" 
	bombs with nuclear warheads,
	
		
		"for possible use against rogue states," 
		Chossudovsky writes in his new book, "Towards 
		a World War III Scenario: The Dangers of Nuclear War."
		
		
		(Global Research, 2012)
	
	
	The meeting was intended to set the stage for 
	the creation of a new generation of,
	
		
		"smaller," "safer," and "more usable" nukes 
		for use, in America's 21st Century "in-theater nuclear wars", 
		Chossudovsky writes. 
	
	
	No members of Congress representing the public 
	were in attendance.
	
	Barely a week prior to this meeting, the National Nuclear Security 
	Administration (NNSA) disbanded the advisory committee that had 
	"independent oversight" over the U.S. nuclear arsenal, including the testing 
	and/or use of new nuclear devices.
	
	The nuclear industry - which makes both nuclear devices and their missile 
	delivery systems - Chossudovsky writes, is controlled by a handful of 
	defense contractors, led by,
	
		
			- 
			
			Lockheed Martin 
- 
			
			General Dynamics 
- 
			
			BAE Systems Inc 
- 
			
			Northrop Grumman 
- 
			
			Raytheon 
- 
			
			Boeing 
	
	The 
	
	sales of these six largest US defense 
	contractors (including the UK-US conglomerate BAE Systems Inc) was in 2010 
	of the order of 242.6 billion dollars, with recorded profits of $16.4 
	billion. 
	
	Meanwhile, 
	
		
		"the Pentagon has unleashed a major 
		propaganda and public relations campaign with a view to upholding the 
		use of nuclear weapons for the 'defense of the American homeland'," 
		Chossudovsky writes. 
	
	
	He points out:
	
		
		"In an utterly twisted logic, nuclear 
		weapons are presented as a means to building peace and preventing 
		‘collateral damage.’ The Pentagon had intimated that the ‘mini-nukes’ 
		with a yield of less than 5,000 tons are harmless to civilians because 
		the explosions ‘take place under ground.’ 
		 
		
		Each of these ‘mini-nukes,’ nonetheless, 
		constitutes - in terms of explosion and potential radioactive fallout - 
		between one-third and six times the atom bomb dropped on Hiroshima in 
		1945."
	
	
	 
	
	
	
	WWIII Scenario
	
	Based on the twisted notion that the,
	
		
		"mini-nukes" are "not dangerous for 
		civilians," the U.S. Congress in 2003 gave the Pentagon the "green 
		light" to use tactical nuclear weapons in "conventional war theaters" 
		(such as the Middle East and Central Asia) alongside conventional 
		weapons, Chossudovsky writes.
	
	
	This new nuclear doctrine, he goes on to say, 
	turns reality upside down not only by denying the horrific impact of nuclear 
	weapons but by asserting,
	
		
		"in no uncertain terms that nuclear weapons 
		are 'safe' and their use in the battlefield will ensure 'minimal 
		collateral damage' and reduce the probability of escalation." 
		
	
	
	Chossudovsky notes, 
	
		
		"The issue of radioactive fallout is not 
		even acknowledged with regard to tactical nuclear weapons; neither is 
		the issue of 'Nuclear Winter'."
	
	
	To justify pre-emptive military actions, 
	
	U.S. National Security Doctrine (NSD) requires the fabrication of a terrorist, or 
	"outside enemy," threat, the author writes. 
	
	 
	
	As well, the doctrine needs to tie said 
	terrorist threats to "state sponsorship" by so-called rogue states. Here, 
	the 
	Global War on Terror (GWOT) directed 
	against Al Qaeda fits right in as essential building blocks in the 
	Pentagon’s GWOT campaign.
	
	Under the latest nuclear doctrine, the Pentagon discards the policy of 
	fighting in "self-defense" in favor of "anticipatory action." 
	
	 
	
	This war would allow the use of nuclear weapons 
	against a "rogue enemy" who is alleged to plan to develop WMD at some 
	undefined future date, Chossudovsky writes.
	
		
		"Nukes would serve to prevent a non-existent 
		WMD program (e.g. Iran) prior to its development," the author explains.
		
		 
		
		"This twisted formulation goes far beyond 
		the premises of the 2001 Nuclear Posture Review and NPSD 17, which state 
		that the U.S. can retaliate with nuclear weapons if attacked with WMD."
	
	
	And by integrating nuclear with conventional 
	armaments on the battlefield, 
	
		
		"there is the risk that tactical nuclear 
		weapons could be used without requesting... presidential approval," 
		Chossudovsky writes. 
	
	
	He asserts,
	
		
		"combat commanders would be in charge of 
		Theater Nuclear Operations (TNO), with a mandate not only to implement 
		but also to formulate command decisions pertaining to nuclear weapons."
	
	
	Moreover, because these "smaller" tactical 
	nuclear weapons have been reclassified by the Pentagon as,
	
		
		"safe for the surrounding civilian 
		population," thereby allegedly "minimizing the risk of collateral 
		damage," there are no overriding, built-in restrictions to prevent their 
		use, Chossudovsky writes. 
	
	
	Stockpiled tactical nuclear weapons, he 
	concludes, are now considered to be an integral part of the battlefield 
	arsenal, "part of the tool box," so to speak, used in conventional war 
	theaters.