Critique of the Dulce Underground Base Hypothesis

Ever since Bennewitz first began circulating his claims concerning the Dulce base in the early 1980s, and latter physical evidence and personal testimonies provided by Castello and others, there has predictably been intense criticism of the evidence supporting the Dulce base hypothesis.


These criticisms fall into three categories.

  • First are criticisms of physical evidence such as Bennewitz’s intercepted electronic transmissions, communication transcripts, photos, video recordings, and the ‘Dulce Papers’ provided by Castello; and lack of physical evidence of an underground base in terms of entrances, air vents, etc.

  • Second, are criticisms that focus on the credibility of Bennewitz, Castello and Schneider as reliable sources for the Dulce base hypothesis.

  • Finally, there are criticisms that the whole Dulce underground base hypothesis is a clever disinformation strategy launched by intelligence services such as the Air Force Office of Special Intelligence (AFOSI) to divide the UFO community.

I will examine each of these criticisms in turn.

As far as the Bennewitz evidence was concerned, his photographs and films from 1980 clearly demonstrated some anomalous phenomenon that was acknowledged even by Air Force Intelligence, but the difficultly lay in conclusively showing what these showed.
[56] Nevertheless, many UFO researchers believed this was some of the strongest evidence yet discovered of UFO’s captured on film. [57]


Bennewitz electronic communications while again demonstrating something odd was occurring was subject to most controversy and was again not conclusive proof. As far as the physical evidence found in the Dulce Papers was concerned, most researchers simply didn’t take these seriously and assumed they were part of the disinformation campaign against Bennewitz.


The lack of conclusive proof by way of photos, videos and physical sights is reminiscent of the entire history of the UFO community’s efforts to find sufficient evidence to persuade even the most skeptical of professionals. [58]


This suggests that the validity of physical evidence surrounding Bennewitz electronic records of UFO activity and ET communication, and the Dulce Papers, will continue to be subject to debate. A clear conclusion over what the physical evidence provided for the existence of the Dulce base is therefore elusive.

Private investigators have explored the terrain where the underground base is allegedly located. The Archuletta Mesa is situated on Jicarilla Apache Indian reservation land. One investigator, Glen Campbell, found that there were no visible security restrictions on the land, no evidence of a military presence, and no concealed entrances, air vents, water intakes from the nearby Navaho river, etc., were found. He subsequently concluded that there was no physical evidence of an underground base.
[59] Other field investigators, however, have found evidence of strange occurrences in the area lending support to the existence of a base. [60]


For instance, Norio Harakaya visited Dulce with a Japanese film production crew in 1990 and concluded:

I've been to Dulce with the Nippon Television Network crew and interviewed many, many people over there and came back with the firm conviction that something was happening around 10 to 15 years ago over there, including nightly sightings of strange lights and appearances of military jeeps and trucks. [61]

Some of the criticisms raised by Campbell might be explained in a number of ways. Castello and Schneider, for example, both described an extensive underground infrastructure that used advanced technology such as a high-speed rail link. [62]


This would make it possible for entrances to the Dulce base to be concealed in more secure areas. Also, air circulation and water could also be provided in other ways by those possessing the advanced technology to do so. This suggests that criticism of a lack of physical evidence on Jicarilla Apache land to support the idea of a secret underground base is not conclusive, and even conflicts with other testimonies of mysterious military troop movements and anomalous sightings in the area .

The covert disinformation campaign launched by AFOSI against Bennewitz suggests that the physical evidence he had of an underground base in the area, and the public support he attracted, were perceived to be a national security threat. This covert disinformation campaign that began in 1980 suggests that criticisms of the physical evidence provided by Bennewitz and Castello, are not conclusive and may themselves be part of an ongoing disinformation campaign. Consequently, criticism of the lack of physical evidence for the existence of an underground base in Dulce fails to dismiss the Dulce base hypothesis.

The second set of criticisms focus on the credibility of the whistleblowers/witnesses who provided evidence or testimony of the Dulce base. Establishing credibility in a field rife with disinformation, intimidation and official efforts to discredit expert witnesses and ‘whistleblowers’ requires some flexibility in analyzing whistleblower behavioral and/or personality characteristics. A ‘nervous breakdown’, ‘refusal to give interviews’, or use of ‘cover identities’, for instance, may be more of a result of covert intimidation than a sign of an individual who lacks credibility.


Focusing on the mental or health problems encountered by whistleblowers/witnesses advocating the Dulce base hypothesis may amount to little more than veiled personal attacks against the credibility of the principle advocates of the hypothesis. For instance, in an online article that is critical of evidence for the Dulce base, the writer Roy Lawhon, glosses over the challenges faced in establishing the credibility of the three principle witnesses/whistleblowers advocating the Dulce Underground base hypothesis - Bennewitz, Castello and Schneider.


Lawhon finishes his description of their respective claims with references to a range of personal problems or behaviors each exhibited in a way that appears to be little more than a veiled attack on their credibility. [63] For example, he refers to Bennewitz being “committed for a time to a mental hospital”, and then becoming a “reclusive, refusing to talk about UFOs.” [64]


As mentioned earlier, Bennewitz became the subject of an intense disinformation campaign, public scrutiny, attacks on his credibility, and unusual activities being directed against him that finally led to him having a nervous breakdown. This doesn’t affect the quality of his material nor his credibility, but only displays that in intense circumstances, many individuals succumb to the psychological pressure that has been directed against them.

Moving on to Castello, Lawhon concludes that Castello “has only provided stories, nothing solid, and has yet to come forward in person,” and that there “is some doubt as to whether he actually exists.”
[65] While only a relatively few researchers can vouch for Castello’s existence, there would be very good reason to believe that as a possible whistleblower revealing classified information, he would be subject to arrest or other official efforts to ‘silence’ him, if he emerged into the public. This may explain his mysterious movement while at the same time leaving open the possibility that he is part of a disinformation strategy. Therefore, while his testimony and the Dulce Papers on their own lack persuasiveness, they become significant as supporting evidence for Bennewitz’s claims.

Finally, with regard to Schneider, Lawhon refers to unquoted sources that Schneider “had severe brain damage and was also a paranoid schizophrenic.”
[66] This would have to be the most unfair of the criticisms raised by Lawhon. Schneider spent nearly two years on the lecture circuit (1993-95) candidly revealing his activities while an employee for corporations that built the Dulce and other underground bases. There were ample opportunities for his integrity and mental resilience to be tested, and it appears that he did not disappoint his growing number of supporters. [67]


He gave the appearance of a man who knew his life would soon end from either natural causes (he had terminal cancer) or from being murdered. His apparent ‘suicide’ had the tell tale signs of murder that was not seriously pursued by public authorities. [68] Schneider’s testimony represents the most solid whistleblower disclosure available on the existence of the Dulce Base and of a firefight between ETs and elite US troops having occurred there in 1979. In conclusion, criticisms of the credibility of the principal advocates of the Dulce base hypothesis fail to be persuasive.

Finally, there are criticisms that focus on William Moore’s 1989 declaration at a MUFON conference that he had been co-opted into a covert effort by AFOSI to feed disinformation to Bennewitz in order to discredit him.


While furious that one UFO researcher would actively participate in a disinformation campaign against another researcher, many UFO researchers were quick to accept Moore’s story that the most bizarre aspects of Bennewitz’s claims, human rights abuses involving ET abductions, cold storage of humans and underground vats filled with cattle and human parts were disinformation. Bennewitz’s claims had been gaining widespread support in the UFO community and being championed by controversial individuals such as John Lear, William Cooper and William Hamilton.


Some well-established UFO researchers believed that Lear’s and Hamilton’s claims, reflecting Bennewitz’s statements about the Dulce underground base, would damage legitimate UFO research. [69] When it was learned that John Lear had been invited to host the 1989 Mutual UFO Network (MUFON) conference, for instance, prominent MUFON members began to resign in protest. [70]


Many UFO researchers did not believe that Bennewitz’s electronic interceptions, interpretations of the data, and interviews with abductees, were sufficient proof of an underground ET base at Dulce. Bennewitz’s claims of ETs committing gross human rights violations at the base were widely dismissed as little more than disinformation even by those who believed in his integrity and the quality of the hard evidence he had compiled. [71]

As far as the view that disinformation played a major role in Bennewitz developing his views concerning the base and human rights abuses, Bennewitz had already compiled an extensive database of information based on his two years of electronic surveillance prior to approaching AFOSI in 1980. Consequently, Bennewitz had already developed many of his views about Dulce before AFOSI began to feed him disinformation after Bennewitz’s 1980 AFOSI interviews and subsequent meeting with Moore in 1982.


It is likely that Bennewitz’s observation of UFO/ET activity in the area, electronic monitoring of radio and video transmissions, and his electronic communications, leading up to and including the Dulce war, gave him an overall picture of what was occurring in the base. The more likely explanation is that US intelligence services were in damage control mode after Bennewitz’s intercepts of electronic communications between ET ships and the Dulce base.


The even more revealing evidence and testimony provided by Castello, and later by Schneider, became intertwined with disinformation that was actively being fed into the public debate surrounding the Dulce base hypothesis. Criticism that the most alarming aspects of the Dulce base hypothesis, ET human rights abuses, etc., were simply AFOSI disinformation, fails to take into account how disinformation is actively used as a standard tool by the intelligence community to create confusion and prevent discovery of what is precisely occurring. [72]

I now return to the three possibilities raised earlier concerning the Dulce underground base hypothesis:

1. the physical evidence, whistleblower claims and witness testimonies provide conclusive evidence of the Dulce base and extensive ET abuses of abducted civilians;

2. claims of the base are likely accurate but some disinformation has occurred as far as the more extreme stories of human rights abuses; and

3. the Dulce base hypothesis is disinformation.

Based on the evidence presented thus far, and the lack of conclusive criticism of this evidence, the third possibility can be dismissed. This suggests the conclusion that a secret joint government-ET base did exist at Dulce, that military conflict did occur over issues that remain open to debate, but most likely involved perceptions of a treaty violation by one or both sides. Reports of gross human rights abuses against civilians abducted for various projects at the base while not at this point conclusive have sufficient evidentiary support to warrant further investigation on the part of responsible government authorities and human rights organizations.


One further issue to be examined for understanding the human rights and political implications of the evidence presented thus far is to identify how Dulce and any similar bases are funded without legislative oversight.


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Funding Dulce and other Joint Government/ET Underground Bases without US Congressional Oversight

According to Phil Schneider, funds used for the construction of underground bases in the US and elsewhere come from a ‘black budget’ - money that is not part of the normal Congressional appropriations and supplemental processes that fund government agencies in the US.


In his 1995 lecture, Schneider declared:

The Black Budget is a secretive budget that garners 25% of the gross national product of the United States. The Black Budget currently consumes $1.25 trillion per year. At least this amount is used in black programs, like those concerned with deep underground military bases. Presently, there are 129 deep underground military bases in the United States. [73]

These bases according to Schneider are “connected by high-speed magneto-leviton trains that have speeds up to Mach 2”. [74]


Thomas Castello also described the high-speed underground rail system that connected Dulce to other bases in the US and the world: “[the] world wide network is called the "Sub-Global System." It has "check points" at each country entry. There ARE shuttle tubes that 'shoot' the trains at incredible speeds using a mag-lev and vacuum method. They travel at a speed that excels the speed of sound.” [75]


A researcher confirming some of Schneider’s and Castello’s claims of a vast underground infrastructure linked by high speed Maglev train system is Dr Richard Sauder who has investigated and identified secret underground bases in the US and around the globe. [76]


If Schneider’s description and budget estimates are correct, then a massive secret underground infrastructure exists that is funded in ways that escape Congressional oversight despite the underground infrastructure’s vast size and consumption of economic resources. It is therefore worth investigating whether Schneider’s estimate could be accurate, how Congress exercises oversight over classified programs in the US, and where a base such as Dulce fits into the overall picture of Congressional funding and oversight of clandestine military programs.

Confirmation of Schneider’s surprisingly high estimate of the ‘black budget’ comes from an unlikely source. A former Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Catherine Fitts, claims that a total of 3.3 trillion dollars was siphoned out of HUD and the Department of Defense (DoD) for the fiscal years 1998, 1999 and 2000.


Fitts bases her 2000 estimate on a report from David K. Steensma, Acting Assistant Inspector for auditing DoD who wrote in a 2002 report that “DoD processed $1.1 trillion in unsupported accounting entries to DoD Component financial data used to prepare departmental reports and DoD financial statements for FY 2000.” [78]


Reporting on the missing DoD funds in fiscal year 2000, investigative reporter Kelly O’Meara also supported Fitts finding:

[T]he deputy IG [Inspector General] at the Pentagon read an eight-page summary of DOD fiduciary failures. He admitted that $4.4 trillion in adjustments to the Pentagon's books had to be cooked to compile the required financial statements and that $1.1 trillion of that amount could not be supported by reliable information. In other words, at the end of the last full year on Bill Clinton's watch, more than $1 trillion was simply gone and no one can be sure of when, where or to whom the money went. [79]

If the ‘black budget’ is indeed as high as Fitts’ and Schneider’s estimates, then it is very likely that these are used to fund programs such as the Dulce base which would appear to fall into the category of a ‘Special Access Program’ (SAP).


SAPs are programs that have additional security measures attached to them over and above the normal classificatory system (confidential, secret, top-secret) attached to most classified information and programs. [80] According to a 1997 Senate Commission Report, there were approximately 150 SAPs that operated with DoD approval. [81]


These SAPs are divided into two classes ‘acknowledged’ and ‘unacknowledged’ as described in the Senate Report:

  • Publicly acknowledged programs are considered distinct from unacknowledged programs, with the latter colloquially referred to as “black” programs because their very existence and purpose are classified.

  • Among black programs, further distinction is made for “waived” programs, considered to be so sensitive that they are exempt from standard reporting requirements to the Congress.

  • The chairperson, ranking member, and, on occasion, other members and staff of relevant Congressional committees are notified only orally of the existence of these programs. [82]

Essentially, a waived unacknowledged SAP (deep black) is so sensitive that only eight members of Congress (the chairs and ranking members of the four defense committees divided between the House of Representatives and Senate) are notified of a waived SAP without being given any information about it. This would enable them to truthfully declare no knowledge of such a program if asked, thereby maintaining secrecy of this SAP. If unacknowledged SAPs are ‘black programs’, then ‘waived’ unacknowledged SAPs are ‘deep black’.


The Dulce base appears to be a candidate for one of these ‘deep black’ programs currently in operation in the US.

SAPs are funded in a manner that fulfills federal guidelines and subject to both Executive and Congressional oversight. In practice though, Congressional oversight in the case of waived acknowledged SAPs is nominal. President Clinton’s Executive Order # 12958 issued on April 17, 1995, reformed how SAPs would in future be created and oversight established.


The main components of the Executive Order was that only the Secretaries of State, Defense and Energy, and the Director of Central Intelligence (or their principal deputies) could create a SAP; these would be kept to an “absolute minimum”; and would be created when “the vulnerability of, or threat to, specific information is exceptional,” and their secrecy cannot be protected by the normal classification system. [83]


As far as oversight was concerned, the key clause in the Executive Order was an effort by the Clinton administration to coordinate oversight through a central executive office (Information Security Oversight Office) that would be responsible to the National Security Council (NSC) and annually report to the President:

(3) … the Director of the Information Security Oversight Office shall be afforded access to these programs, in accordance with the security requirements of each program, in order to perform the functions assigned to the Information Security Oversight Office under this order. An agency head may limit access to a special access program to the Director and no more than one other employee of the Information Security Oversight Office; or, for special access programs that are extraordinarily sensitive and vulnerable, to the Director only. [84]

In practice, however, effective oversight of SAP’s is performed by a DoD committee, the Special Access Program Oversight Committee (SAPOC), and a similar committee in the intelligence community, Controlled Access Program Oversight Committee (CAPOC) for its SAPs, rather than the Information Security Oversight Office. [85]


It is SAPOC that has the authority for the “approval, termination, revalidation, restructuring procedures for DoD special access programs.” [86] Essentially, there is very little authority that a US President can exercise over SAPs in the DoD and the intelligence community. [87]


The oversight system that has evolved effectively excludes the President from having control over the DoD and intelligence committees that have real power over SAPs, but which in theory are subordinate to the President as ‘Commander in Chief’. [88]


It will be argued that those branches of the Executive Office that are under direct control of the President, as President Clinton discovered, have little power to influence or provide oversight of ‘deep black programs’. [89]


Those branches of the Executive Office that deal with ET affairs are embedded in the National Security Council, and are not under control of the President. [90] To distinguish between these as far as Executive Office oversight of deep black programs is concerned, I will refer to those executive offices under control of the President as ‘Executive Office oversight’, and those offices not under the President’s control as ‘Shadow Government’ oversight.

The ‘deep black’ programs described by Schneider require funds well in excess to the federal funds officially allocated to SAPs. For example, in the 2001 financial year, somewhere between $10-12 billion dollars was budgeted for SAPs by all services in the DoD, well below the sums mentioned by Schneider and Fitts that were likely being spent on the ‘deep black programs’ that were not included in the list of SAPs submitted to Congress.


Even with the increase of the DoD budget to 380 billion dollars in 2003, the portion allocated to SAPs would rise only marginally thereby maintaining a large discrepancy between the actual cost of all ‘deep black programs’ and the budget allocated to them.

To fund ‘deep black programs’ that are directly connected with the ET presence without attracting Congressional and Executive Office oversight, clandestine organizations embedded in the military and intelligence branches of government have developed a complex financial system for circumventing the normal appropriations process and oversight requirements for the use of Federal funds. According to Kelly O’Meara, the use of a range of accounting mechanisms such as "unsupported entries," "material-control weakness," "adjusted records," "unmatched disbursements," "abnormal balances" and "unreconciled differences" the DoD effectively cannot account for up to a trillion dollars annually.
[92] T


he huge unaccounted annual sum, well in excess of the DoD’s official budget suggests that federal government departments are being used to siphon money without the US taxpayer, Congress and responsible federal authorities being aware of what is occurring. [93]

Rather than siphoned federal money going directly into the pockets or Swiss bank accounts of corrupt US politicians, a practice the leaders in many developing nations have developed to a fine art, the money goes directly into the ‘black budget’ which then funds ‘deep black programs’ in addition to the official list of SAPs that can be run without Congressional and Presidential oversight. These ‘illegal’ funds are channeled to clandestine organizations in the different branches of the US military and intelligence services to directly fund their pet ‘black programs’ for dealing with the ET presence.


These funds are then used to award contracts to US corporations such as:

  • EG&G

  • Westinghouse

  • McDonnell Douglas

  • Morrison- Knudson

  • Wackenhut Security Systems

  • Boeing Aerospace

  • Lorimar Aerospace

  • Aerospacial in France

  • Mitsibishi Industries

  • Rider Trucks

  • Bechtel

  • Raytheon

  • DynCorp

  • Lockheed Martin

  • Hughes

  • Dryden

  • SAC...

...and others that provide the necessary services for ET related projects. [94]


Retired DIA intelligence officer, John Maynard reports on the nature of the relationship between corporations and the DoD:

The Department of Defense has had an ongoing program since the mid-1950's, which provided contracts to U.S. Civilian Contractors/Organizations/Corporations that worked in the intelligence community. These projects came under very tight security and usually were very highly compartmentalized. What this means is that you have several concentric circles: the closer you are to the inner circle the more information you could find on the project. The further you get away from this inner circle, the less information is available.


All this is established on a very strict need-to-know basis. Within these circles you could, if you looked hard enough, find contractors that worked on various parts of the project but really had no idea what the overall project was. This also happened with the military's interaction with the primary contractor. Also in this respect, each military branch had certain projects that came under the compartmentalization security measures. [95]

Corporations awarded military contracts generated from illegal ‘black budget’ funds, are not subject to Congressional or Executive Office oversight, do not have to disclose to the general public the true nature of the activities they perform for their military employers, and force their employees to sign non-disclosure agreements with severe penalties. According to Bob Lazar his true employer while at the S-4 Nevada facility was the US Navy, but he had to sign a contract with the company EG&G which involved signing away his constitutional rights in the case of disclosure. [96]


After his decision to quit his work at area S-4 Lazar disclosed that he received death threats.

An estimate of the number of ‘deep black programs’ funded by the ‘black budget’ can be gained by using estimates of the official funding for ‘deep black programs’, and then revising this up when funds available through the ‘black budget’ are used. According to Executive Order 12958 and recommendations from the 1997 Senate Commission Report, the number of deep black programs (unacknowledged waived Special Access Programs) is to be kept to an absolute minimum.


This suggests that of the 150 SAPs identified by the Senate Commission in 1997, it can be estimated from proportionally breaking this down into ‘acknowledged’ and ‘unacknowledged’, and then breaking ‘unacknowledged down into ‘waived’ and ‘unwaived’ SAPs, and then using an arbitrary figure of 50% to factor in the ‘absolute minimum’ requirement that is used for permitting waived SAPs, that somewhere in the range of 15-20 SAPs (approximately 10% of the total) are ‘deep black’. Using the same process to break down the estimated annual budget for SAPs of 10-12 billion dollars, approximately 1.5 billion dollars are annually spent on ‘deep black programs’.


This means that approximately 1.5 billion dollars are spent on approximately 15-20 ‘deep black’ programs whose existence is verbally reported to only eight Congressional committee chairs & ranking members who are not briefed on them.

The extraordinary security precautions surrounding ‘deep black’ programs has been historically acceptable to Congressional leaders based on their belief of the limited number and modest budgets allocated to these programs – $ 1.5 billion would be less than 0.5% of the total DoD budget for 2003 ($380 billion). If the estimates provided by Fitts, O’Meara, and Schneider are correct, then the true size of the budget for ‘deep black programs’ is almost three times the annual DoD budget!


Comparing this astounding figure to the $1.5 billion estimate for ‘deep black’ programs supplied to Congressional leaders, this suggests that waived SAPs, together with unacknowledged SAPs, are really only a cover for an entirely different category of deep black programs – those that are directly related to the ET presence.

Using Fitts estimates as closer to the true size of the ‘black budget’ and the estimate for the waived SAPs budget ($1.5 billion), the total actual funding for this different category of ‘deep black programs’ can actually be multiplied by a factor of approximately 700.


This might suggest that the number of ‘deep black programs’ could also be increased by this factor, however the extra funding might well be used to expand each program rather than add new programs. Consequently, if a factor of ten is used to account for an expansion of a ‘deep black program’ to get a closer approximation of the program’s actual cost, then the true number of ‘deep black programs’ would be expanded by a factor of 70.


If an estimate of the ‘official’ number of ‘deep black programs’ is 15-20, then the true number is somewhere in the range of 1,050 to 1,400. It can be therefore by concluded that over 1,000 ‘deep black programs’ are funded by a ‘black budget’ estimated to be in the vicinity of 1.1 trillion dollars annually.


Given that the Senate Commission reported the existence of approximately 150 SAPs in total, it can be further concluded that Congressional leaders and the President are not informed of the true number of deep black programs that exist, nor of the ‘black budget’ that funds more than 99% of these ‘deep black’ programs.

If the ‘black budget’ is what funds the Dulce underground base and the other approximately 99% of deep black programs that are not reported to Congress even in the perfunctory manner of ‘waived unacknowledged SAPs’, then it is clear there are two types of deep black programs.

  • Those funded from the regular budget (waived unacknowledged SAPs) that are constitutionally legal,

  • and those funded by the ‘black budget’ that are not part of the SAP oversight process at all, are outside of the normal constitutional process and are technically illegal.

It can be concluded that the legal ‘deep black programs’ are merely a cover for the illegal ‘deep black programs’ that are specifically oriented towards responding to the ET presence. These cover programs are designed to steer Congressional and Executive Office officials away from the truth about the ET related ‘deep black programs’ that exist and which consume enormous resources from the US economy. Consequently,

  • approximately 15-20 (2%) of all deep black programs are legal with a known oversight process,

  • while approximately 750 – 1000 (98%) are illegal and have a very different oversight process.

It is possible that the DoD and Intelligence community committees (SAPOC & CAPOC) that have direct oversight of legal ‘deep black programs’ are aware of illegal ‘deep black programs’ but do not effectively have oversight of these.


It is likely that the main responsibility of SAPOC & CAPOC is to ensure that legal ‘deep black programs’ and acknowledged ‘black programs’ whose details are supplied to Congressional committees and the Executive Office, are effective covers for the illegally funded deep black programs. Oversight of illegal deep black programs is most likely directly exercised by clandestine organizations embedded in the various military services, Intelligence branches, and the National Security Council responsible for managing ET affairs. [97]


Clandestine organizations embedded within Executive Office agencies such as the,

  • National Security Council,

  • Federal Emergency Management Agency,

  • and Homeland Security,

form the ‘shadow government’ responsible for coordinating military, intelligence and governmental activities that deal with ET affairs. [98]

In conclusion, the funding for the construction and running of joint government-ET underground bases at Dulce and elsewhere in the US comes from ‘black budget’ funds that are not subject to the normal oversight requirements associated with regular DoD and intelligence community SAPs. The US corporations awarded contracts for providing their services to the military and intelligence agencies are unregulated, and have been very ‘successful’ in enforcing secrecy upon their employees – a critical factor in receiving future military contracts!


Effectively this means that clandestine organizations embedded in the military, intelligence community and National Security agencies, have found a way of circumventing Congressional and Executive Office oversight and approval for the true cost and number of illegal ‘deep black programs’.


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Table 1. Summary of Funding and Oversight System for Deep Black Programs

Program Classification


Estimated Number

Funding Source

Estimated Annual


ET Related


Special Access

Program (SAP)


/CAPOC/Executive Office



Intelligence Community

 $5 - 6 billion



SAP - Black


/CAPOC/Executive Office



Intelligence Community

 $3.5 - 4.5 billion


Waived Unacknowledged

SAP - Deep Black




Intelligence Community

 $1.5 billion


Illegal – Deep Black

Shadow Government


Black Budget

 $1.1 trillion



  • SAPOC – Special Access Program Oversight Committee, Department of Defense

  • CAPOC – Controlled Access Program Oversight Committee, CAPOC

  • * Congress Committees – House National Security Committee, the Senate Armed Services Committee, and the defense subcommittees of the House and Senate Appropriations committees.

Michael E. Salla,

PhD. The Dulce Report

(September, 2003)

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Conclusion: Political Implications of Alleged Human Rights Abuses at Dulce

The whistleblower testimonies examined in this report persuasively point to the existence of the Dulce base as a former and/or current joint US government-ET underground facility built with ‘black budget’ funds that operated/operates without Congressional and Executive Office oversight.


The testimonies further support the view that the ‘Dulce war’ did involve armed conflict between US military forces, Base Security Personnel, and resident ET races. While the precise cause of the military confrontation remains unclear, it does suggest that one or both sides were not keeping commitments specified in an undisclosed treaty.


Given whistleblower testimony that one of these treaty commitments was ensuring that abducted civilians used in genetic experiments undertaken at the base would be fully accounted for, not harmed, and safely returned to civilian life, there is cause to believe gross human rights violations may have played a role in sparking the conflict. Similar human rights abuses may well be occurring in other possible joint government-ET bases in the US and other countries around the planet.

The immediate political fall out from the ‘Dulce Wars’ and alleged ET abuses of abducted civilians was very likely an indefinite delay in public disclosure of the ET presence. The release of the Steven Spielberg movie Close Encounters of the Third Kind in 1977 has been long speculated to have been part of an ‘acclimation program’ to prepare the general public for disclosure of the ET presence.


NASA sent a 20 page confidential letter to Spielberg outlining what should and shouldn’t be in the movie prior to its release suggesting an unusual degree of official interest in how ETs and the government were depicted. [100]


The 1979 ‘Dulce War’ where the clandestine authorities in charge of ET affairs (the Shadow Government) ordered an attack on ET occupied levels of a joint underground base would surely have signaled a dramatic shift in attitudes towards the ET presence and an indefinite hold on full public disclosure.

There is sufficient evidence to justify further investigation into the accuracy of claims surrounding extensive human rights abuses at joint government-ET bases that exist(ed) at Dulce and elsewhere in the US. The most effective means of exploring alleged human rights abuses at Dulce would be for a prominent human rights non-government organization such as Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch to initiate an investigation of the claims surrounding such abuses. These organizations have extensive experience in performing accurate and confidential investigations in countries that have historically conducted gross human rights, and repressed those who have stepped forward to reveal such abuses.


An investigation by a human rights NGO could provide the opportunity for whistleblowers to step forward and/or pass information concerning alleged human rights abuses at Dulce.


This would provide a means of preserving confidentially and preventing criminal charges against whistleblowers for disclosing ‘classified information’. In the case of criminal charges being brought against such whistleblowers by US federal agencies, or of their disappearance, such individuals could become the focus of ‘emergency alerts’ that human rights organizations have pioneered over the years to secure the release of those revealing ‘human rights’ abuses.

Another means of exploring alleged human rights abuses at Dulce would be for a Congressionally backed inquiry into allegations of such abuses and the full scope of activities at these underground facilities examined in terms of the degree to which they contributed to human rights abuses.


Comprehensive congressional immunity and protection should be given to all government/military officials and employees of corporations willing to step forward to give information of human rights abuses of US citizens and other nationals in bases on US territory or around the globe. Due to high public interest in learning about such alleged abuses, the Congressional inquiry should be open with full media coverage. Where genuine national security considerations merit non-disclosure of such information, this should be put before the Congressional Inquiry for proper consideration and appropriate action.

The ‘shadow government’ in charge of managing ET affairs has been a factor, either mitigating or causal, in gross human rights abuses that occurred in secret bases under its control and/or shared with ET races. The role of the shadow government can be investigated and made accountable for human rights abuses through appropriate reforms in much the same way that many former autocratic states have had to reform their governments as a result of international scrutiny of human rights abuses.


Due to the experience of human rights NGO’s in conducting such investigations of autocratic regimes, this provides a highly desirable means of addressing the alleged abuses committed under the leadership of clandestine groups embedded in national security agencies that collectively constitute a ‘shadow government’.

A congressionally backed inquiry into the financial mechanisms used for funding illegal ‘deep black projects’ is also required in order to fully account for all funds generated from the US economy, and to end the practice of funds being used for ‘deep black programs’ that operate without Congressional/Executive Office oversight, and even outside of the relevant oversight committees in the DoD and intelligence communities. The use of corporations for servicing military contracts funded by illegal revenue received by clandestine organizations in the US military and intelligence services needs to be ended.

In order to deal with the full extent of the alleged human rights abuses committed at joint government-ET bases by corporate employees/military personnel, a ‘Truth Commission’ should be convened for government/military officials and/or corporate employees who directly participated in experiments and projects that involved such violations; and/or in the suppression of such information through intimidation of witnesses and whistleblowers.


Such a Truth Commission can be modeled on the South African example where a blanket amnesty was given to all public officials in the Apartheid era who participated in human rights abuses provided they fully disclose the nature of their activities, and that these abuses were politically motivated rather than personal. [101]


The granting of amnesty for officials/employees stepping forward to admit their participation in projects that violated the basic human rights of US citizens and foreign nationals forcibly held in joint government-ET bases will be an important means for discovering the full extent of what has occurred during the operation of these bases.

In order to begin the process of promoting Congressional and/or Human Rights NGO action for dealing with the alleged human rights abuses committed at Dulce, former/current public officials or corporate employees who in their official capacities or employment have first hand knowledge of such abuses committed at Dulce and/or any other joint Government-ET facility are encouraged to step forward. There are a number of whistleblower legal services available that would be able to provide legal counsel for those interested in disclosing their activities without violating legal/contractual obligations.

The political implications of the human rights abuses of what occurred at the Dulce underground base require immediate attention through credible human rights organizations investigating such allegations.


Furthermore, congressionally sponsored inquiries are required on a number of key issues stemming from alleged abuses at Dulce:

  • participating in treaties with ET races without congressional ratification;

  • ‘black budget’ funding of illegal deep black programs that operate without Congressional or Executive Office oversight;

  • military hostilities between US security agencies and ET races without the general public or Congress being informed of the causes and justifications of such actions;

  • and accountability for human rights abuses committed at Dulce and possibly other underground bases in the US and elsewhere.

Rather than what occurred at Dulce being limited solely to the US government, it is very likely that other major world governments have agreed to similar arrangements with ET races where the human rights of its citizens are traded for advanced ET technology. The full extent of what occurred at Dulce may be a watershed in human history.


It could well be the first time in recorded history that humanity has to deal in a politically responsible way with the legacy of human rights abuses committed by another species upon members of the human race, and complicity by various military, intelligence and/or corporate personnel in not taking the appropriate actions to prevent such abuses.


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[1] My most sincere thanks to H.M. who generously provided the hospitality, intellectual stimulation, thoughtful suggestions and research environment for completing this Report.

[2] Estimates of the size of the annual black budget go as high as 1.1 trillion dollars. For description of how money is annually siphoned from the US economy see Catherine Fitts, “The $64 Question: What's Up With the Black Budget? – The Real Deal,” Scoop: UQ Wire (23 September, 2002). Available online at: 

[3] See Branton, The Dulce Wars: Underground Alien Bases and the Battle for Planet Earth (Inner Light Publications, 1999); and Christa Tilton, The Bennewitz Papers (Inner Light Publications, 1994). Websites with articles and discussion on Dulce include: HERE  and 

[4] An online overview of Bennewitz’s research is by Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’,” (July 1, 1996) available online at: 

[5] For some of these images, see Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’,” (July 1, 1996) available online at

[6] Paul Bennewitz, Project Beta, available online at:

[7] Dr Sprinkle is the Director the Academy of Close Clinical Encounters Therapists (ACCET), and is widely known expert in abductees. For online website to ACCET go to:

[8] See Branton, The Dulce Wars, chs. 21& 26. Available HERE. Bennewitz refers to the mother and her son in Project Beta, available online at: 

[9] See Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’- Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at

[10] In Bennewitz’s report, Project Beta, there are many references to how to militarily defense against ET ships suggesting that his communications revealed the hostile relationship that existed between the humans and the ETs. Bennewitz’s report, Project Beta, is available online at:

[11] Cited online on by World of the Strange,

[12] Bennewitz’s report, Project Beta, is available online at: 

[13] Bennewitz, Project Beta, prologue, available online at: 

[14] For details on Moore’s confession 1989, see

[15] For details on Moore’s confession 1989, see

[16] See Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’, Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at

[17]The Aviary

[18] For discussion of the whistleblower phenomenon, see Myron Peretz Glazer and Penina Migdal Glazer, The Whistleblowers: Exposing Corruption in Government and Industry (Basic Books, 1991); and C. Fred Alford, Whistleblowers: Broken Lives and Organizational Power (Cornell University, 2002). For online information go to: 

[19] For detailed discussion of legal definitions and laws concerning whistleblowers, see Stephen M. Kohn, Concepts and Procedures in Whistleblower Law (Quorum Books. Westport, Conn. 2000). For online information go to: 

[20] A copy of this statute can be found online at

[21] The Dulce papers including a video recording

[22] See Branton, The Dulce Wars: Underground Alien Bases and the Battle for Planet Earth (Inner Light Publications, 1999). Available HERE

[23] The Dulce Wars, ch 21. Available  HERE . See also William Hamilton, Cosmic Top Secret: America's Secret Ufo Program - New Evidence (Inner Light Publications, 1990). An extract is available HERE

[24] Branton, The Dulce Wars.

[25] For discussion of PI 40 and other key ET management organizations, see Michael Salla, "Political Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence – The Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America." Exopolitics.Org, July 4, 2003. Available:
HERE  Also in Michael E. Salla, Exopolitics: Political Implications of the Extraterrestrial Presence (forthcoming Dandelion Books, 2004).

[26] See Richard Boylan, “Quotations from Chairman Wolfe

[27] See Richard Boylan, “Quotations from Chairman Wolfe

[28] “Billy Goodman Interview with Bob Lazar: Partial transcript, Billy Goodman Happening (December 20, 1989), available online at:  See also “George Knapp Interview with Bob Lazar,’ On the Record, KLAS-TV, (December 9, 1989). Transcript available online at:

[29] Interviews with Castello are published as chapters 11 & 27, in The Dulce Book. See also William Hamilton Cosmic Top Secret. An extract is available online at:

[30] See Branton, The Dulce Wars, ch 27. Available online at  &  See also William Hamilton Cosmic Top Secret. An extract is available online at:

[31] For discussion of the evolution of the system whereby corporations played a primary role in servicing military contracts vis--vis ET projects, see Michael Salla, Exopolitics: Political Implications of the Extraterrestrial Presence (forthcoming Dandelion Press, 2004), ch 2. Published also as Study Paper #5, Available:

[32] See Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available online at  & 

[33] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[34] For a detailed discussion of US government sponsored experiments in mind control, see Helmut Lammer & Marion Lammer, Milabs: Military Mind Control & Alien Abductions (Illuminet Press, 1999).

[35] See Preston Nichols, Montauk Project: Experiments in Time (Sky Books, 1999); Al Bielak and Brad Steiger, The Philadelphia Experiment and Other UFO Conspiracies (Innerlight Publications, 1991); Stewart Swerdlow, Montauk: The Alien Connection (Expansions Publishing Co. 2002); Wade Gordon, The Brookhaven Connection (Sky Books, 2001). For an online interview with Al Bielak, go HERE

[36] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[37] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[38] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[39] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[40] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, Available HERE

[41] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, HERE

[42] Branton, Dulce, chapter 11, HERE

[43] See Richard Boylan, “Official Within MJ-12 UFO-Secrecy Management Group Reveals Insider Secrets 

[44] Phillip Corso, The Day After Roswell (Pocket Books, 1997) 292.

[45] See William Cooper, “Origin, Identity and Purpose of MJ-12; See also Neruda Interview #1; Boylan gives a more extensive coverage of events surrounding the Treaty signing in “Extraterrestrial Base On Earth, Sanctioned By Officials Since 1954

[46] Phil Schneider, MUFON Conference Presentation, 1995, available online at:

[47] An advocate of this view is William Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse (Light Technology Publishing, 1991) 222. For another critical review of evidence surrounding Dulce, see Loy Lawhon, “Dulce,”, available online at: 

[48] Schneider’s 1995 lecture is available at a number of websites and is titled, “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995” One site is 

[49] “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995,” available online at:

[50] Schneider’s 1995 lecture is available at a number of websites and is titled, “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995” One site is

[51] Cynthia Drayer, “The Death of Philip Schneider, January 17, 1996,” available online at:

 For discussion of Schneider’s whistleblower testimony, see “Tribute to Phil Schneider,” available online at:

[52] Richard Boylan, “Official Within MJ-12 UFO-Secrecy Management Group Reveals Insider Secrets 

[53] Richard Boylan, “Quotations from Chairman Wolfe

[54] “Billy Goodman Interview with Bob Lazar: Partial transcript, Billy Goodman Happening (December 20, 1989), available online at: 

[55] Jim Marrs, Alien Agenda (HarperPaperbacks, 1998) 270-71

[56] For discussion of Bennewitz’s physical evidence, see Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’, Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at

[57] See Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’, Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at

[58] For history of efforts to provide conclusive evidence of the UFO history, see Richard Dolan, UFOs and the National Security State.

[59] For lack of physical geological features to support the existence of Dulce, see Glen Campbell, “A Field Trip to Dulce, New Mexico,” available online at:

See also Roy Lawhon, “Dulce!,” available online at:

[60] See Hamilton, Cosmic Top Secret: America's Secret Ufo Program, an extract is available online at:

[61] See Branton, Dulce Book, ch 5

[62] For discussion of Maglev transportation and the global underground system, see Richard Sauder, Underwater and Underground Bases (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2001). Sauder has a website at:

[63] Roy Lawhon, “Dulce!,” available online at: http // 

[64] Roy Lawhon, “Dulce!,” available online at: http //

[65] Roy Lawhon, “Dulce!,” available online at: http //

[66] Roy Lawhon, “Dulce!,” available online at: http //

[67] See “Tribute to Phil Schneider,” available online at: 

[68] For documents suggesting he was murdered, see “Tribute to Phil Schneider,” available online at: 

[69] See Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’, Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at 

[70] See resignation letter of MUFON member of Richard Hall, Letter to Walter H. Andrus, Jr. (March 18, 1989). Cited online at:

[71] See Chris Lambright, “Paul Bennewitz, electronic recordings, and films of "aerial objects’, Part 3” (June, 2003) available online at

[72] For an overview of the role of disinformation, see a report by a Senate Commission convened to discuss secrecy, Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy: 1997. Available online at:

[73] See “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995,” available online at:  . Later in the same interview, Schneider refers to 1.3 trillion every two years thereby creating some confusion over his true estimate.

[74] For Schneider’s discussion of the MagLev underground rail system, see “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995,” available online at: . See also Branton, Dulce Book, ch 11.

[75] Branton, Dulce Book, chapter 11

[76] For a list of underground US military bases see Richard Sauder, Underground Bases and Tunnels: What Is the Government Trying to Hide? (Adventures Unlimited Press, 1996). For discussion of Maglev transportation and the global underground system, see Richard Sauder, Underwater and Underground Bases (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2001). Sauder has a website at: 

[77] Catherine Austin Fitts, “The $64 Question: What's Up With the Black Budget? – The Real Deal,” Scoop: UQ Wire (23 September, 2002). Available online at: Fitts has a website with a number of resources describing how more than a trillion dollars are annually unaccounted for in a number of government agencies.

[78] David K. Steensma,. “Agency Wide Financial Statements. The Department of Defence Audit Opinion.” (February 26, 2002) The Report can be viewed online at: 

[79] Kelly Patricia O’Meara, “Rumsfeld Inherits Financial Mess,” Insight on the News (Aug. 10, 2001). Available online at:  . Another media report on the 1.1 trillion missing dollars is Tom Abate, Military waste under fire $1 trillion missing – Bush plan targets Pentagon accounting, San Francisco Chronicle (May 18, 2003. Available online at: 

[80] For an overview of the classification system, see Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy: 1997. Available online at:

[81] Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy: 1997. Available online at: 

[82] Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy, 26. Available online at: 

[83] Office of the Press Secretary, “White House Press Release: Classified National Security Information,” Executive Order #12958 (April 17, 1995) Section 4.4. Available online at: 

[84] Executive Order #12958 (April 17, 1995). Available online at:

[85] See, Deputy Secretary of Defense, “Special Access Program Oversight Committee,” Information Bulletin: November 1994. Available online at:  . For the intelligence community oversight body, see Director of Central Intelligence, “Controlled Access Program Oversight Committee,” Directive 3: 29 (June 1995)  .

[86] Report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy, 26. Available online at:

[87] For discussion of the erosion of Executive oversight in ET/UFO issues, see Study Paper #4.

[88] See US Constitution, Section 2, article 2.

[89] See Michael Salla, "Political Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence – The Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America."

[90] See Michael Salla, "Political Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence – The Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America."

[91] This range is estimated from figures provided in the following article, Bill Sweetman, “In search of the Pentagon's billion dollar hidden budgets - how the US keeps its R&D spending under wraps,” Jane’s, 5/01/2000, available online at: 

[92] Kelly Patricia O’Meara, “Government Fails Fiscal-Fitness Test,” Insight on the News (April 29, 2002). Available online at: 

[93] See Catherine Fitts, “The Missing Money: Why the Citizens of Tennessee Are Working Harder & Getting Less,” Available online at: 

[94] See Bill Sweetman, “In search of the Pentagon's billion dollar hidden budgets;” “A Lecture by Phil Schneider – May, 1995,” available online at:  ; & John Maynard, “From Disinformation to Disclosure,” Surfing the Apocalypse, available online at: 

[95] See interview with John Maynard, “From Disinformation to Disclosure,” Surfing the Apocalypse, available online at:

[96] “George Knapp Interview with Bob Lazar,’ On the Record, KLAS-TV, (December 9, 1989). Transcript available online at: 

[97] An analysis of how ET affairs are politically managed in the US, see Study Paper #5.

[98] For discussion of the role played by the NSC, see Michael Salla, "Political Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence – The Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America." Also in Michael E. Salla, Exopolitics: Political Implications of the Extraterrestrial Presence (forthcoming Dandelion Books, 2004).

[99] See “Disclosure Pattern – 1977,” available online at: 

[100] See Alex Ioshpe, Close Encounters of the Third Kind, available online at:

[101] See Dorothy Shea, The South African Truth Commission: The Politics of Reconciliation (United States Institute of Peace, 2000)

[102] Information on available legal services for whistleblowers can be found at  or at . For more information please contact the author. All communications will be treated as confidential. The author can be reached by email at:  or by regular mail Dr Michael Salla, 1718 M St., NW., PMB #354, Washington DC 20036

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