| 
			  
			  
			 
 
  by Immanuel Velikovsky
 
			February 1974  
			from
			
			TheImmanuelVelikovskyArchive 
			Website 
				
					
						
						“Books written about the solar system 
			before the advent of the space age could as well have been written 
			in Latin or Greek, so dated do they appear to a contemporary 
			reader.” Zdenek Kopal -
 
						The Solar System (Oxford University Press, 1973)
						 
			In my published books, notwithstanding often repeated allegations, 
			no physical law is ever abrogated or “temporarily suspended”; what I 
			offered in them is primarily a reconstruction of events from the 
			historical past. Thus I did not set out to confront the existing 
			views with a theory or hypothesis and to develop it into a competing 
			system.  
			  
			My work is first a reconstruction, not a theory; it is built 
			upon studying the human testimony as preserved in the heritage of 
			all ancient civilizations - all of them in texts bequeathed beginning 
			with the time man learned to write, tell in various forms the very 
			same narrative that the trained eye of a psychoanalyst could not but 
			recognize as so many variants of the same theme. In hymns, in 
			prayers, in historical texts, in philosophical discourses, in 
			records of astronomical observations, but also in legend and 
			religious myth, the ancients desperately tried to convey to their 
			descendants, ourselves included, the record of events that took 
			place in circumstances that left a strong imprint on the witnesses. 
			 
			  
			There were physical upheavals on a global scale in historical times; 
			the grandiosity of the events inspired awe.  
			  
			From the Far East to the 
			Far West - the Japanese, Chinese and Hindu civilizations; the Iranian, 
			Sumerian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Hitto-Chaldean, Israelite and 
			Egyptian records; the Etruscan, Attic and Roman theogonies and 
			philosophies; Scandinavian and Icelandic epics; Mayan, Toltec and 
			Olmec art and legends - all, with no exception, were dominated by the 
			knowledge of events and circumstances that only the most brazen 
			attitude of science could so completely disregard. 
 The scientific community starts its annals with Newton, paying some 
			homage to Copernicus, Kepler and Galileo, unaware that the great 
			ones of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries searched through 
			classical authors of antiquity for their great discoveries.
 
				
				
				Did not 
			Copernicus strike out the name of Aristarchus of Samos from the 
			introduction to De Revolutionibus before he signed imprimatur on his 
			work? 
				
				Did not Tycho Brahe find the compromising theory of the Sun 
			revolving around the Earth - but Mercury and Venus circling around the 
			Sun - in Heracleides of Pontus, yet announce it as his own? 
				
				
				Did not 
			Galileo read of the equal velocity of heavy and light falling bodies 
			in Lucretius 1?
				
				Did not Newton read in Plutarch of the Moon removed 
			from the Earth by fifty-six terrestrial radii and impelled by 
			gravitation to circle around the Earth,2 the basic postulate of 
			Newton’s Principia?
				
				Did not Halley read in Pliny about 
				comets returning on their orbits? 
				3  
			Then why does modern science disregard 
			the persistent reports of events witnessed and recorded in many 
			languages in the writings of the ancients and also transmitted from 
			generation to generation by communities unable to write, by American 
			Indians, by the people of Lapland, the Voguls of Siberia, the 
			aborigines of tropical Africa, the Tahitians in the South Pacific? 
				
				
				Why is theomachy the central theme of all cosmogonical myths? 
				
				
				Should not a thinking man pause and 
				wonder why the ancients in both hemispheres worshipped planetary 
				gods?
				
				Why temples were erected to 
			them, and some are still standing?
				
				Why sacrifices, even human 
			sacrifices, were brought to them? 
				
				Why was Saturn or Cronos or Brahma 
			the supreme deity to be replaced by Jupiter of the Romans, Zeus of 
			the Greeks, Ormuzd of the Iranians, Marduk of the Babylonians, Shiva 
			of the Hindus, Ammon of the Egyptians? 
				
				Why did the planet Venus - Ishtar, 
			Athene, Kukulcan of the Mayas or Quetzalcohuatl of the Toltecs - become 
			the feared deity, as I saw it omnipresent in Yucatan, where I 
			savored a few days this February, writing this paper? 
				
				Why is this 
			Morning Star shown in sculpture as a feathered serpent on the 
			grandiose monuments of Uxmal and Chichen Itza, where temples were 
			built, one upon the other, if not to commemorate the ages, the last 
			of which was dominated by Huitzilopochtli, Ares of the Greeks, who 
			protected the people of Troy, while Athene clashed with him 
			protecting the Achaean host?
				
				Why was Mars of the Romans chosen as the protector of Rome, the 
			greatest empire after the Empire of Heaven (Livy), while Athene gave 
			her name to the capital of Attica, as Tanis to Tunisia? 
				
				Why were 
			human sacrifices brought in this country by the Pawnee Indians only 
			a few scores of years ago, every fifty-two years connected with the 
			Venus calendar? 
				
				Why did the Ancient Assyrians mark on tens of 
			thousands of clay tablets, free from any mythological theme, 
			astronomical observations, but all data from before -687 are in 
			contradiction to known values such as the duration of the daily 
			rotation of the Earth, the time of the vernal equinox - that by the 
			way was repeatedly transferred, as was also the beginning of the 
			year - the ratio of the longest and shortest days of the year, the 
			length of the month and of the year and the motion of the planets?
				 
			The legends and myths clearly point to an astral origin of all 
			ancient religions.
 The problem that occupied the minds of the Classicists, 
			Meso-american scholars. Orientalists, and students of social 
			anthropology and mythology, was not solved in any one of these 
			disciplines separately. Like the early memory of a single man, so 
			the early memory of the human race belongs into the domain of the 
			student of psychology. Only a philosophically and historically, but 
			also analytically trained mind can see in the mythological subjects 
			their true content - a mind that learned in long years of exercise to 
			understand the dreams and phantasies of his fellow man.
 
 Thus I entered a field that should be at the basis of the natural 
			sciences, not only of the human soul and of racial memories, and 
			soon I observed that the divisions in science are but artificial. I 
			had to cross barriers. How could I do otherwise?
 
			  
			Upon the 
			realization that we are unaware of the most fateful events in human 
			history, I had before me the task of explaining this well-known 
			phenomenon of repression, the realization of which could also become 
			crucial to the survival of the victim of amnesia playing with 
			thermonuclear weapons. But before that I had the task of confronting 
			the humanistic heritage with the message of stones and bones - do 
			geology and paleontology carry the same testimony? I went again from 
			shelf to shelf, once more around the Earth, and the record from the 
			bottom of the sea and from the top of the mountains, from the 
			deserts, jungles, tundras, lakes, rivers and waterfalls, told the 
			same story - documented in every latitude and in every longitude.  
			  
			This 
			evidence is presented in Earth in Upheaval, which I kept free from 
			any bit of testimony that can be classified as human heritage. The 
			scenes of devastation, mass extinction of many species in 
			circumstances that are by far in excess of what can be considered as 
			local catastrophe, the simultaneous change of climate all over the 
			globe thirty-four and twenty-seven centuries ago, the drop of the 
			level of the ocean and many other phenomena observed, could not be 
			accounted for but by paroxysms in which the entire Earth was 
			involved.
 A psychological situation provoked the change in the attitude of the 
			scholarly world with the beginning of the Victorian age.
 
			  
			The founders of the sciences of 
			geology - Buckland, Sedgwick, and
			Murchinson (who gave the classification of formations used 
			today); of vertebrate paleontology - Cuvier; and of 
			ichthyology - Louis Agassiz - never 
			doubted that what they observed was the result of repeated 
			cataclysms in which the entire globe partook.  
			  
			Actually, Charles 
			Darwin, observing the destruction of fauna in South America, was 
			convinced that nothing less than the shaking of the entire frame of 
			the Earth could account for what he saw. But the introduction of the 
			principle of uniformitarianism by Charles Lyell, a lawyer who never 
			had field experience, and the acceptance of it on faith by 
			
			Charles 
			Darwin, are a psychological phenomenon that I observed again and 
			again.  
			  
			Exactly those who, like Darwin, witnessed the omnipresent 
			shambles of an overwhelming fury of devastation on a continental 
			scale, became the staunchest defenders of the principle of uniformitarianism, that became not just a law, but a principle that 
			grew to a statute of faith in the natural sciences, as if the 
			reasoning that what we do not observe in our time could not have 
			happened in the past can in any measure claim to be philosophically 
			or scientifically true.
 Obviously, a motive is at play that makes appear as scientific 
			principle what is but wishful thinking. For over a century after 
			Copernicus man did not wish to believe that he lives on an Earth 
			that travels, and 
			
			Francis Bacon and William Shakespeare were not 
			persuaded by that firebrand, 
			
			Giordano Bruno, of the truth of the Copernican doctrine.
 
			  
			Even much less man wishes to face the fact that 
			he travels on a rock in space on a path that proved to be 
			accident-prone. The victory of Darwin’s evolution by natural 
			selection over a six-day creation less than six thousand years ago 
			made it appear that evolution, the only instrument of which is 
			competition, is the ultimate truth.  
			  
			But by competition for survival 
			or for means of existence, never could such different forms as man 
			and an insect with many legs evolve from the same unicellular form, 
			not even in the six billion years that replaced the biblical six 
			thousand. Mutations were necessary, and today we know that by cosmic 
			and x-rays, by thermal and chemical means - conditions brought about 
			in the catastrophes of the past - massive mutations can be achieved.
 The pre-1950 astronomy followed the same pseudo-scientific statute 
			of faith, elevated to a fundamental principle, and made believe that 
			the Earth and other planets travel the same paths for the same six 
			billion years, always repeating the same serene circling. Against 
			this violation of the principle of empiricism in science stood my 
			work.
 
			  
			In it I rejected the postulate that the ancients, the Greek 
			philosophers Pythagoras, Heraclitus, Democritus and 
			Plato included 
			(O. Neugebauer in The Exact Sciences in Antiquity wonders why 
			Plato 
			is considered anywhere a philosopher of any rank4) were childish in 
			their claims of repeated world conflagrations, and that the ancients 
			were almost imbeciles in their beliefs.  
			  
			The ancients, the canard 
			goes, believed in the Earth placed on the back of a tortoise. Thus 
			it is preferred to start science three hundred years ago, and my 
			work was pronounced (by those who did not read it) as an act of 
			destruction of the entire edifice of science erected by the giants 
			of science since Copernicus.
 I offered a series of claims that naturally followed from the 
			reconstruction. In science they are usually called predictions, but 
			I prefer to term them advance claims. Thus I claimed that
 
				
					
					
					Venus, due 
			to its recent birth and dramatic though short history, must be very 
			hot under the clouds, nearly incandescent, and gives off heat - it has 
			not reached thermal balance
					
					That it must have every massive 
			atmosphere; that the atmosphere consisted largely of hydrocarbons 
			but that if oxygen is present petroleum fires must be burning - thus 
			explaining also the present massive carbon dioxide content of the 
			atmosphere
					
					That sulfur and iron (ferruginous pigment) must be 
			present too
					
					That if the same catalytic process that took place 
			on the Earth when it was enveloped by clouds of Venus’ origin takes 
			place in Venus’ own clouds, they must consist mainly of organic 
			material infused with sulfur and iron molecules
					
					Further, I 
			considered that Venus was disturbed in its rotation 
			Venus was found over 750°K. hot - many metals are incandescent at this 
			temperature - while the consensus of opinion among astronomers was 
			17°C., 3° above the mean annual temperature on Earth.  
			  
			Venus was 
			found rotating slowly and retrogradely.  
			  
			The atmosphere was found 
			very massive, 95 terrestrial pressures near the ground surface, and 
			not reckoning with this possibility, the first Venera probes were 
			crushed. The content of the clouds is still unsolved, but in a paper 
			in the Winter, 1973-74 issue of Pensée, a journal dedicated to the 
			reconsideration of my views, I elucidated that the spectral features 
			in the ultraviolet, near infrared, infrared and deep infrared can be 
			accounted for by organic matter, and so can the volatility and the 
			index of refraction.  
			  
			Nitrogen gas, expected by all specialists to 
			comprise as much as 90% of the atmosphere, was not found.  
			  
			The enigma 
			of the very rich content of carbon dioxide below the clouds is 
			solved if the combustion of hydrocarbons took and still takes place. 
			I expect that the Venus Mariner X probe of this month will bring us 
			nearer to properly evaluating the content of Venus’ clouds.  
			  
			But the 
			preliminary report already says that,  
				
				“the manner in which that 
			planet was 
				born and matured differed basically from that of Earth.”
				 
			An editorial in the New York Times, commenting on the bands and 
			streaks first discovered by Mariner X, spoke of an “uncanny 
			similarity” to the bands “in the atmosphere of Jupiter.” It added 
			that “it is a problem that poses a formidable challenge to 
			astronomers.”
 There are problems requiring study that were not discussed in 
			
			Worlds 
			in Collision because the origin of Venus belongs to the volumes 
			dealing with the earlier catastrophes. How did Venus, in Latin, “the 
			Newcomer,” escape from Jupiter four hundred times more massive? - and Lyttleton’s work gives some idea; or how could Venus be so much 
			heavier per unit of volume than Jupiter? - either it was expelled from 
			inner parts of the giant planet, or gases like hydrogen entered into 
			chemical compounds of higher molecular weight.
 
			  
			In Worlds in 
			Collision I suggested that electrical discharges in the atmosphere 
			of ammonia and methane in which Jupiter is rich, would produce 
			hydrocarbons of heavy molecular weight - an experiment successfully 
			performed ten years later by A. T. Wilson. Further, I envisaged 
			fusion of elements - like oxygen to sulphur - in interplanetary 
			discharges.
 Orbiter and Surveyor probes of the Moon were followed by Apollo 
			probes; and on the historic night of July 21, 1969, when Man stepped 
			on the Moon, I made a series of claims in an article written at the 
			invitation of the New York Times, and spelled out earlier as well in 
			memos to the Space Science Board of the National Academy of 
			Sciences.
 
			  
			Strong magnetic remanence, I claimed, would be discovered 
			in lunar rocks and lavas, though the Moon itself hardly possesses 
			any magnetic field whatsoever. A steep thermal gradient would be 
			found already a few feet under the surface. Thermo-luminescence would 
			disclose that the Moon was heated considerably only thousands of 
			years ago.  
			  
			Hydrocarbons, preferably of aromatic structure, would be 
			found in small quantities, but carbides, into which hydrocarbons 
			would transform when heated, in substantial quantities; expressed 
			radioactivity would be detected in lunar soil and rocks; and several 
			more claims. Already following Apollo XI and XII the score was 
			complete.  
			  
			But each of the discoveries - steep thermal gradient, strong remanent magnetism, recent heating of the lunar surface, carbides 
			and traces of aromatic hydrocarbons, and rich radioactivity of the 
			rocks and dust - evoked exclamations of surprise and at best some far 
			fetched, ad hoc hypotheses. Magnetic anomalies, especially where 
			interplanetary bolts fell, and huge enclaves of neon and argon 40 in 
			lunar rocks, were also claimed by me in advance of the findings.
 The Mars probes disclosed, as I had claimed in Worlds in Collision, 
			a dead planet that went through enormous cataclysmic events, not 
			unlike the Moon. The “canali” proved to be not the product of 
			intelligent work, but rifts caused by twisting of strata. Like on 
			the Moon, enormous craters resulted from bubbling, but some 
			formations, especially surrounded with “rays,” resulted, in my view, 
			from interplanetary discharges.
 
 When last December [1973] I was invited to address the scientists of 
			the Langley Space Research Center that prepares the June 1976 Viking 
			probes to Mars, I was told of the program and shown the module. I 
			found that my 1945 copyrighted view, printed also in Worlds in 
			Collision, of the possible abundant presence of argon and neon in 
			the atmosphere of Mars, then a very far-fetched idea, is now 
			incorporated in the program of the 1976 Viking probes.
 
			  
			Today, in one 
			of the alternative atmosphere models (the other has nitrogen richly 
			presented - the same alternative I discussed in Worlds in 
			Collision), NASA anticipates as much as 33.3% argon in the 
			atmosphere, but, in my opinion, too little - 666 parts per 
			million - neon. Actually, in 1969 I saw my assumption indirectly 
			confirmed when after I expressed my expectation of rich inclusions 
			of argon and neon in lunar rocks, such enigmatic inclusions were 
			found.  
			  
			I based my expectation on the realization that in the eighth 
			century before the present era Mars and the Moon repeatedly came 
			into near-contacts.
 I would speculate that the red color of Mars, due mainly to the 
			ferruginous material acquired from Venus when the latter displaced 
			it from its orbit (in the 
			
			theomachy described in great detail in the 
			Iliad ), may partly be due also to an electrical effect in a 
			neon-rich Martian atmosphere.
 
			  
			I recommended in my lecture and 
			consultation at Langley Space
			Research Center several tests not found in their program as it 
			stands now: 
				
				
				To study the electrical nature of the sandstorms, occasionally 
			reaching the velocity of one hundred to two hundred miles per hour, 
			in the rarefied atmosphere of the planet. 
				
				To search for strong remanent magnetism of rocks and lavas, not just 
			to photograph soil particles attractable to a magnet. As just 
			explained, iron particles will be found in abundance. In future 
			probes anomalous remanent magnetism will be discovered near places 
			where electrical bolts emerged or fell. 
				
				To search for expressed radioactivity of the rocks and regolith, 
			especially near large circular formations that resulted from 
			interplanetary discharges. 
				
				To investigate the thermal gradient, presumably rather steep, even 
			if only at the depth of two or three feet. 
				
				To perform a thermo-luminescence experiment on glass-like particles 
			in the Martian soil which will disclose a very recent heating of the 
			Martian surface; if it were not for the expected radioactivity on 
			Mars, the proper result would be twenty-seven centuries for the last 
			heating.  
			The logic that led me to these conclusions and suggestions was the 
			same that made me make similar advance claims concerning the Moon 
			before the lunar landings.
 I understand that the program will be dominated by an effort to find 
			out whether there is or there was life on Mars; organic materials 
			will be searched for and I count with the possibility that traces of 
			hydrocarbons may be found in the Martian soil, but almost all 
			hydrocarbons must have turned into carbide rocks by heating; 
			cultures of possible micro-organisms will be investigated for 
			changes in color and for the production of gases.
 
 In 
			Worlds in Collision I compiled descriptions from many sources of 
			a widely spread pestilence that accompanied Mars’ close approaches; 
			it is not excluded that Mars is richly populated by micro-organisms 
			pathogenic to man. I suggested an inclusion of a microscope in the 
			equipment of Viking and, if possible, of an electron microscope for 
			the study of viruses. I do not discount the probability that the 
			seasonal changes in the color of the Martian surface may be due to 
			seasonal microbial or other low vegetative activity.
 
 It is preferable to postpone the second Viking probe, now planned as 
			identical with the first and following it by one month, in order to 
			rework the program and to include the instruments needed for the 
			test I enumerated.
 
 When earlier, a year and a half ago, in August [1972], I was 
			invited to lecture and consult at Ames Space Research Center 
			(Division of Exobiology), I suggested also that microbial life able 
			to catalyze can possibly be found in Venus’ clouds, lower forms of 
			insect life on Jupiter, and primitive plant life on Saturn, besides 
			what I said now of Mars. So much for cosmology and also the 
			evolution of life.
 
 If I was completely at odds with the cosmogony that had the solar 
			system without history since creation, I was also carrying my heresy 
			into a most sacred field, the holy of holies of science - celestial 
			mechanics.
 
			  
			I had a chapter on the subject at the end of
			Worlds in 
			Collision, but I kept those galleys from inclusion in the book and 
			instead I included only one or two paragraphs - and the only 
			italicized words in the book are found in them - namely:  
				
				"The accepted 
			celestial mechanics, notwithstanding the many calculations that have 
			been carried out to many decimal places, or verified by celestial 
			motions, stands only; the sun, the source of light, warmth, and 
			other radiation produced by fusion and fission of atoms, is as a 
			whole an electrically neutral body, and also if the planets, in 
			their usual orbits, are neutral bodies.”  
			I showed how the events I 
			reconstructed could have occurred in the frame of the classical 
			celestial mechanics, but coming from the field of studying the 
			working of the brain - I was the first to claim that electrical 
			disturbances lie at the basis of epileptic seizures - I was greatly 
			surprised to find that astronomy, the queen of sciences, lives still 
			in the pre-Faraday age, not even in the time of kerosene lamps, but 
			of candles and oil.  
			  
			It was, of course, known since Gilbert that the 
			Earth is a magnet, and G. E. Hale discovered that solar spots are 
			magnetic and that the Sun possesses a general magnetic field.  
			  
			But 
			this did not keep Einstein, a few years later, from accounting for 
			the Mercurial precession by a new principle instead of first 
			eliminating the effect of the newly discovered solar magnetic field 
			on Mercury’s movement. 
				
				
				I claimed the existence of a magnetosphere above the terrestrial 
			ionosphere - it was discovered by Van Allen in 1958
				
				I claimed that 
			this magnetosphere reaches as far as the lunar orbit - it was 
			discovered by Ness in 1964
				
				I claimed that the interplanetary space 
			is magnetic and the field centers on the Sun and rotates with it - it 
			was discovered in 1960 by simultaneous observation of Pioneer V and 
			Explorer X, one travelling around the Sun and the other around the 
			Earth
				
				I claimed that Jupiter sends out radio noises,5 and actually 
			offered in writing in June 1954 to Albert Einstein to stake our 
			protracted debate as to whether, besides inertia and gravitation, 
			electromagnetic interactions participate in celestial mechanics: 
			Does or does not Jupiter send out radio noises? - and Einstein wrote 
			his note of disbelief on the margin of my letter 
			But on the 8th of 
			April, 1955, nine days before his death, I brought to him the news 
			that Jupiter noises were discovered by chance; those who detected 
			them for long weeks disbelieved their find and the Jovian origin of 
			the noises.
 Lately I lecture frequently for physical and engineering societies 
			and faculties, and I challenge those in the audience who believe 
			that a magnetic body can move through a magnetic field without being 
			affected by it to lift their hands.
 
				
				
				Can Jupiter with its immense 
			magnetosphere move in the magnetic field centered on the Sun, if 
			only of a few gammas, without being affected by it? 
				
				Can the 
			satellites of Jupiter plow through the magnetosphere of the giant 
			planet without being affected by it?  
			On no occasion I saw a hand 
			raised.
 Only a few weeks ago, preliminary reports in Science on the Pioneer 
			X December flyby recorded a series of unusual electromagnetic 
			phenomena involving Jupiter and its satellites. At about the same 
			time we read of radio noises for the first time detected from a 
			comet, as
			
			Kohoutek was approaching its 
			perihelion.
 
			  
			(Incidentally, 
			contrary to the unanimous opinion expressed by astronomical 
			authorities, with which I disagreed, Kohoutek did not develop into 
			the greatest celestial spectacle of the century.)  
			  
			The role of 
			electromagnetic interaction between a comet and the Sun was another 
			subject of my detailed discussion, oral and written, with Einstein.
 With the discovery of quasars, magnetic binaries, black holes and 
			colliding galaxies sending out agonized radio signals, the electromagnetic nature of the universe is no more in question. Space 
			is not empty either.
 
			  
			I feel like calling René Descartes from the 
			Land of Shades to present his appeal, because as late as 1949, a 
			year before the publication of Worlds in Collision, the verdict was, 
			according to the philosopher Butterfield, that, 
				
				“The clean and 
			comparatively empty Newtonian skies ultimately carried the day 
			against a Cartesian universe packed with matter and agitated with 
			whirlpools, for the existence of which scientific observation 
			provided no evidence.” 
			But ten years later we read:  
				
				“Gone forever is any earthbound notion 
			of space as a serene thoroughfare... a fantastic amount of 
			cosmic traffic (hot gaseous clouds, deadly rays, bands of 
			electricity) rushes by at high speed, circles, crisscrosses, and 
			collides.” 
			How could I produce this score of correct prognostications? 
			 
			  
			Professor V. Eshleman of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, obviously 
			astounded, wrote on September 11, 1970, to a news-writer:  
				
				“I am 
			completely mystified as to how Velikovsky reaches his conclusions. 
			It is almost as though he does it through will power alone...”
				 
			But could I, by will power alone, initiate Jupiter’s noises?
 There is no mystery. My advance claims are a “natural fallout from a 
			single central idea,” in the words of one student of the affair. 
			Reading of my work is a prerequisite for understanding the way I 
			reach my conclusions.
 
 Yet not a few upheld the scientific method by absolving themselves 
			from reading the book they discuss and occasionally suppress. These 
			days one planetarium astronomer authoritatively pronounced my score 
			of correct predictions as compatible with the law of averages and 
			added that I would have been unfortunate if my score were any less.
 
			  
			Seven years earlier the same planetarium astronomer was the 
			mastermind in the refusal of the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia 
			to permit the oldest astronomical association of America, the Ritten-house 
			Society, to convene at their traditional meeting place in the 
			Institute when they invited me to address their members - a story that 
			had many reverberations.
 The behavior of the scientific community was and partly still is a 
			psychological phenomenon.
 
			  
			The spectacle of the scientific 
			establishment going through all the paces of self degradation has 
			nothing with which to compare in the past, though every time a new 
			leaf in science was turned over there was a minor storm, and it is 
			not without precedent that most authoritative voices in science 
			usually served to discourage the trail blazers - think of Lord Kelvin, 
			unsurpassed authority of later Victorian days, who rejected Clerk 
			Maxwell’s electromagnetic theory, demeaned Guglieimo Marconi’s 
			radiotelegraphy, and till his death in 1907 proclaimed Wilhelm Konrad Roentgen for a charlatan.
 But it is without precedent that the entire scientific community 
			should be aroused to very base actions of compelling, by organized 
			boycott, the publisher of a book checked and rechecked before the 
			printing to discontinue its publication, to destroy the entire 
			stock, and to punish the editor of twenty-five years service by 
			dismissal.
 
			  
			This community offered a united front of academic and 
			scientific societies, of faculties, of scientific and 
			semi-scientific press against a solitary figure whose only iniquity 
			was to present views carefully arrived at in more than a decade of 
			work, supplied with all references to enable the reader to check 
			multitudinous sources, with never a jest or a harsh word against 
			those with whom the non-conformist disagreed, with no new terms 
			introduced, in lucid language, though foreign to me, never given to 
			misunderstanding.
 Now, after twenty-four years, and more than seventy-two printings in 
			the English language alone, forty of which were in hard cover, my 
			Worlds in Collision, as well as Earth in Upheaval, do not require 
			any revisions, whereas all books on terrestrial and celestial 
			sciences of 1950 need complete rewriting. The opposition and the 
			indecent forms it took are a psychological phenomenon and cannot be 
			explained by a mere desire to protect the vested interests.
 
			  
			The 
			forms the suppression assumed are so multiple and sometimes 
			ingenious, but mostly crassly rough and often dishonest, that only 
			having been trained in recognizing various forms of resistance with 
			which analytical patients react when unwelcome truth is about to 
			reveal itself, could I understand the unique spectacle which I 
			observe now for a full generation.
 If a sociologist endeavors to divide the guilt between the 
			establishment and the non-conformist, and claims neutrality, then he 
			did not learn to discern objectivity from neutrality. And if a 
			professor of astronomy puts passages in my book which are not there 
			and then makes the class of tuition-paying students roar by 
			attacking those passages, this roar may still sound in his ears when 
			there will be no merriment in it.
 
			  
			In these antics, an experienced 
			psychoanalyst recognizes a state of anxiety.  
				
				“We are shaking in our 
			shoes - but with laughter” wrote an early critic, Cecilia Payne-Gaposchkin 
			of Harvard.  
			Actually the astronomers of that university must have 
			felt threatened by the book and even an entire generation later, 
			acting as if in peril, a Nobel prize winner wrote to a high school 
			girl to close Worlds in Collision and not to open it again in her 
			lifetime, only to admit three years later to the editor of Pensée 
			that he never himself read the book.  
			  
			Those who act almost suicidal 
			should keep their fingers on the pulse of time.
 In the behavior of the scientific establishment the desperate 
			resistance that bedevils human society found its expression. As 
			members of the human race, we are afraid to face our past. But as 
			Santayana wrote, those who do not remember the past are condemned to 
			repeat it and - this time, I am afraid, in a man-made thermonuclear 
			holocaust.
 
 My work today is no longer heretical. Most of it is incorporated in 
			textbooks and it does not matter whether credit is properly 
			assigned. My work is not concluded - I only opened new vistas. The 
			young and the imaginative flock in an ever increasing stream. 
			Numerous colleges and universities in this country hold courses or 
			seminars on my work, include my books among the required readings 
			and have theses on my ideas written for graduate degrees.
 
			  
			Those who 
			stopped thinking since graduating will claim authority, soon to find 
			that they are left without a following. I may have even caused 
			retardation in the development of science by making some opponents 
			cling to their unacceptable views only because such views may 
			contradict Velikovsky - like sticking to the completely 
			unsupportable hypothesis of greenhouse effect as the cause of Venus’ 
			heat, even in violation of the Second Law of Thermodynamics.
 This spring, besides this Symposium on my work, two more 
			international symposia dedicated to the subject will take place 
			without my having any part in initiating them. Those who prefer name 
			calling to argument, wit to deliberation, or those who point a 
			triumphant finger at some detail that they misinterpret, yet claim 
			that my entire work ought to collapse, and boast of their own 
			exclusiveness as a caste of specialists - as if I claimed omniscience 
			and infallibility and as if I wrote a sacred book that falls due to 
			some possible error - are not first in their art.
 
			  
			I shall quote 
			
			Giordano Bruno, and one of the organizers of this symposium, 
			Professor Owen Gingerich, Harvard’s historian of science, is well 
			familiar with Bruno’s description of how his contemporaries used to 
			conduct a dispute: 
				
				“With a sneer, a smile, a certain discrete malice, that which they 
			have not succeeded in proving by argument - nor indeed can it be 
			understood by themselves - nevertheless by these tricks of courteous 
			disdain they pretend to have proven, endeavoring not only to 
			conceal their own patently obvious ignorance but to cast it on to 
			the back of their adversary.    
				For they dispute not in order to find 
			or even to seek Truth, but for victory, and to appear the more 
			learned and strenuous upholders of a contrary opinion. Such persons 
			should be avoided by all who have not a good breastplate of 
			patience.” 
			After all, it really does not matter so much what Velikovsky’s role 
			is in the scientific revolution that goes now across all fields from 
			astronomy with emphasis on charges, plasmas and fields, to zoology 
			with its study of violence in man. But this symposium in the frame 
			of the AAAS is, I hope, a retarded recognition that by name-calling 
			instead of testing, by jest instead of reading and meditating, 
			nothing is achieved.  
			  
			None of my critics can erase the magnetosphere, 
			nobody can stop the noises of Jupiter, nobody can cool off Venus, 
			and nobody can change a single sentence in my books.
 
 
			
			References
 
				
				
				Lucretius, On the Nature of Things, translated by C. Bailey (Oxford, 
			1924; earlier ed., 1910) Bk. II, lines 23ff.:  
					
					
					“For all things that 
			fall through the water and thin air, these things must need quicken 
			their fall in proportion to their weights, just because the body of 
			water and the thin nature of air cannot check each thing equally, 
			but give place more quickly when overcome by heavier bodies. But, on 
			the other hand, the empty void cannot on any side, at any time, 
			support anything, but rather, as its own nature desires, it 
			continues to give place; wherefore all things must needs be borne on 
			through the calm void, moving at equal rate with unequal weights.”
					
				
				Plutarch, Of the face appearing in the orb of the Moon, translated 
			by W. Goodwin, (Boston, 1898) 246f.  
					
					
					“They who place the moon lowest 
			say that her distance from us contains six and fifty of the earth’s 
			semi-diameters, that is, that she is six and fifty times as far from 
			us as we are from the centre of the earth; which is forty thousand stadia, according to those that make their computation moderately. 
			Therefore the sun is above forty millions and three hundred thousand 
			stadia distant from the moon; so far is she from the sun by reason 
			of gravity, and so near does she approach to the earth. So that if 
			substances are to be distinguished by places, the portion and region 
			of the earth challenges to itself the moon, which by reason of 
			neighborhood and proximity, has the right to be reputed and reckoned 
			amongs the terrestrial natures of bodies.”    
				Cf. Isaac Newton, 
			Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy, translated by A. Motte, 1729, revised by F. Cajori, Berkeley, 1946. Book III: The 
			System of the World. Proposition IV, Theorem IV, p. 407:  
					
					
					"The mean 
			distance of the moon from the earth in syzygies in semi-diameters of 
			the earth is, acc. to Ptolemy and most astronomers, 59; acc. to 
			Vendelin and Huggins, 60... and to Tycho, 56½...” 
				
				Pliny, Natural History, II. 23.
				
				
				O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (Princeton University 
			Press, 1952), p. 146. 
				
				I. Velikovsky, “On the Advance Claim of Jupiter’s Radionoises,” 
			Kronos III.:1 (Aug., 1977), pp. 27-30.    |