No book such as this one could have been written without the help of
many other people. I could not have even begun the research for this
book without the assistance of my teachers of the subject of
consciousness. I was blind to an important aspect of my own
existence before they began to guide my growth in this regard. My
concrete awareness of who I am, and who we all are, has matured
greatly since that period of near total darkness.
A special note of thanks must be given to my agent and friend,
Sandra Martin. She offered to market my book when it was little more
than an idea, and she has been supportive of my efforts through all
of the difficult and unsure times that preceded the manuscript’s
completion. She believed in me, and that belief gave me courage to
finish a project that has always been almost certain to bring a
storm of criticism from many of my academic colleagues.
I am grateful for the support of my editor at Penguin USA, Edward Stackler. He took a chance by supporting publication of this book
when the manuscript was splitting the editorial staffs of other
presses right down the middle. His emphasis in keeping my writing
clear and simple, as compared with a more academic style, is also
greatly appreciated. Robert Durant, Jo Lenore Jordan, and Dale
Stephens also gave me useful advice.
My wife and son helped in their own ways. It has not been possible
for us to live simple, “normal” lives since this all began. Yet
through it all, my wife has supported me. As for my son, he enabled
me to put my research into a broader context by helping me see the
real reason behind all of life’s struggles.
There are extraterrestrials, as my readers will see. Make no mistake
about it: I could not have gathered any data or written this book if
many of these extraterrestrials did not cooperate with my research
efforts. Indeed, this is really as much their book as it is mine. It
is, at least, their true story that I tell.
Finally, I want to thank in advance all of those readers who will
understand and appreciate that which I have done. There are always
people ready to criticize novel research, and I will weather their
criticism as best I can. The big unknown is the number of people who
will find this book useful. However many there are in this latter
group, rest assured that I am grateful to you. If your lives are
richer in any way because of what I report here, all of my efforts
will have been worthwhile.
Back to Contents
Cosmic Voyage is a detailed examination of two societies of known
intelligent extraterrestrial life. More specifically, this volume is
the result of years of work observing alien cultures whose
activities here on Earth have been very pronounced. The bottom line
is that Cosmic Voyage describes the history of two alien worlds that
died, and how the civilization of each survived beyond its
home-world's death to arrive here, on Earth.
These survivors have
needs, desperate needs. But as it turns out, so do we humans, and
this galactic tryst is leading to a future in which three races
share a common destiny. The great link connecting the three races is
that all three home-worlds either already experienced, or will soon
experience, planet wide ecological disasters of spectacular
proportions. Indeed, it is from these other two races that humans
will learn much regarding how others have survived on planets of
The research presented in this book was conducted using rigorous and
exacting remote viewing protocols that were recently developed
for the U.S. military for espionage purposes. The data that are
obtained using these protocols accurately represent reality, not
imagination or allegory. I make no apologies for the methods used to
conduct my research, though in the absence of these methods the
research would not have been possible. The methods are new,
but they are valid and exceptionally reliable research instruments,
regardless of whether many other scientists yet accept them or are
familiar with them.
What follows in this volume is what I learned about
extraterrestrials, both during my own training and in the months
that followed. In Part I of this book, I introduce both the subject
and the history of remote viewing. Also in Part I, I relate my own
story, which is associated with my extensive training program in
remote viewing and in other advanced techniques relating to
The heart of the book is located in Part II, where I
detail all of my data and analyses regarding extraterrestrials. I
have chosen to present this material in Part II chronologically so
that the reader can share with me the thrill of the discoveries as
they were made. In Part III of this book, I analyze where humankind
now stands, given what we know about our needs and the needs of the
broader galactic community.
I make suggestions regarding our
participation in interspecies diplomacy, including a course of study
that our diplomats can follow to begin the representation of humans
in the Galactic Federation, a galactic collective organization.
There is extraterrestrial life, lots of it.
This book explains what
we now know about two extraterrestrial civilizations that have recently
been visiting Earth. This is not a book of speculation about
extraterrestrial life. This is a volume of results, as well as the
interpretation of those facts, that I am willing to defend as
authoritative regarding existing societies that have evolved on
worlds other than our own planet.
There is always a study that is the first of its kind, and this is
such a study. Widespread acceptance of the methods will come in
time; there is no doubt in my mind about this. Meanwhile, we need
not be ashamed of using these newly discovered methods while we wait
for a new generation of scientists to become acquainted with them,
as long as the uses of the techniques are held to rigorous
scientific standards. This book sets a baseline for these standards.
The methods used to collect the data in this book have been as
rigorously controlled as those used in any solid social science
study. This is not to say that the methods are the same as those
typically used in the social sciences, but rather the application
of scientific principles in guiding the data collection procedures
have been rigorously followed. As I explain more fully later, this
is particularly true of the principles of replicability of results.
Humans have an astonishing ability to dismiss information that does
not conform to their preconceived notions of reality. Scientists,
being human, suffer from this mindset as much as anyone else. In
some circles, these preconceived worldviews are known as currently
accepted paradigms. These are informational patterns, internally
constructed templates, with which all externally obtained
information is judged.
This externally obtained information can come
from a newspaper, a friend, a lecturer in a university, a book, or
any other source. But when confronted with ideas, let alone facts,
that do not fit into an accepted informational paradigm, humans
tend to have an intense desire not to believe the new information.
At times it seems any excuse will seem rational, since the goal is
what matters: the established paradigm must not be readily
Because of this phenomenon, large numbers of contradictions occur in
human society. For example, it is easy to find any number of
physicists who will tell you that there is no evidence that supports
the idea that telepathy is possible. On the other hand, it is just
as easy to determine that many of these same physicists routinely go
to places of worship with their families at least once a week to
engage in telepathic communication with one or more nonphysical
Indeed, as will become clear by the time you finish this
book, the vast majority of scientists who do not consider things
such as telepathy and remote viewing “real” are simply misinformed
at best or, more likely, too biased to look at the subject
But make no mistake about it. Critical nodes of the conservative
scientific community are well aware of the absolute existence of at
least some psi phenomena. There are many examples of scientific
verification of such phenomena. However, a particularly noteworthy
report by two psychologists, Daryl J. Bern and Charles Honorton, on
telepathic communication between humans in a series of highly
controlled studies appeared in the January 1994 issue of the
mainstream psychology journal Psychological Bulletin.
large numbers of scientists remain skeptical. But the ultimate
outcome of the debate can no longer be doubted. As time marches on,
increasing numbers of mainstream scientists will continue to
“discover” a wide array of psi phenomena.
The great physicist Max Planck once noted that major advances in the
sciences occur not because someone makes an important discovery and
everyone else eagerly accepts the new ideas. Rather, generational
change mediates the advancement of science. Older scientists tend to
stick to the intellectual paradigms that were current during the
time when they did the major portion of their research early in
their careers. Thus, society often waits until older scientists are
replaced by a new generation of scientists who have since the
beginning of their careers been acquainted with new ideas.
Over the past fifteen years, scientific understanding of remote
viewing—the ability to accurately perceive information at great
distances across space and time—has made tremendous advances,
though a broad scientific acceptance of this understanding still
lags. Throughout human history, it has repeatedly been noted that
certain apparently gifted individuals had the ability to perceive
information from a remote location—in the sense, for example, that
a person could perceive a house on the other side of the planet.
it is precisely because science could not figure out why only
“gifted” individuals could do these things (and not always
consistently) that the reality of the ability has always been
questioned. All that is changed now. The most significant discovery
of the past fifteen years is that we do not need to rely on gifted
individuals to perform these feats any longer. The talent can be
taught, and anyone—including scientists—can learn it and use it
with great accuracy.
Moreover, the reliability of trained
individuals is generally much greater than that of the best natural
psychics. Executed competently, studies employing remote viewing
using trained viewers can yield replicable results with nearly total
accuracy, virtually all of the time.
It was members of the U.S. military who learned this trained form of
remote viewing while serving in a highly classified team of special
operations and intelligence officers in the Army. The original
purpose behind training these psychic warriors was to spy on the
perceived enemies of the United States. However, once their training
was complete, the group began to view targets that were often more
interesting than, say, missile silos or meetings within the Kremlin
walls. The group began to examine the enigma of unidentified flying
objects and, more specifically, extraterrestrial beings visiting
My own interaction with this group of military remote viewers began
after many of them had left the military in hopes of using these
newly developed remote viewing tools more broadly than had
previously been possible. One of my first characterizations of their
early efforts with regard to UFOs was that they were concentrating
too much of their energy on the beings flying the ships.
It was my
view that they should shift their efforts entirely to understanding
the societies from which the ships emanated. I offered my services
as a social scientist to them, hoping that I would be able to make a
significant contribution in answering a broader set of questions
relating to the structure of sentient life in our galaxy. This was
the genesis of this book.
Until now, few have known the complete story of what remote viewing
has revealed about the UFO phenomenon. This book represents an
attempt to put as many of the pieces of the puzzle together as
possible, given our current knowledge. This is not the definitive
UFO or extraterrestrial (ET) book. Rather, it is one attempt at
solid research using a new set of tools for data gathering. The
expectation is that other researchers using these same tools will
make further discoveries and that our understanding of ET life will
continue to expand.
The Choice of Species
This volume examines the societies and home-worlds of two
extraterrestrial civilizations. One, an ancient civilization that
flourished on Mars during the time that dinosaurs roamed on Earth,
is currently and precariously sustained with a much diminished population;
the other is that of a group of beings called the Greys.
of these two civilizations for this volume was not made because
remote viewers have found no other civilizations, for we have indeed
found others. I focus on these two civilizations because they are
playing a particularly important role in the current evolution of
our own civilization on this planet.
Certain practical matters also suggest that the Martian and the Grey
civilizations are the appropriate targets of investigation at this
time. Mars is physically very close to us, and there is a natural
interest among humans in that planet’s history. Humans will be able
visit Mars in the near future. This will allow us to examine the
archaeological ruins of that civilization closely, thereby adding
physical evidence to the remote viewing data that are presented
With regard to the Greys, they have been closely involved with
both Martians and humans for a long time. Given the scope of their
activities in this solar system, it only makes sense to explain
who the Greys are and to describe their interesting history.
This is a book of fact, not fiction. I have repeatedly checked on
the accuracy of my observations under a variety of data collection
settings, and as of mid 1995 other trained remote viewers have
independently corroborated many, and perhaps most, of my basic
findings. Thus, replicability is an important element of the claims
that I make here. I am continuing to work with viewers to this day
to obtain further corroboration of my results.
Any person of sound mind can now obtain the training that is
necessary to independently replicate my results. (I describe this
training program in detail in Chapter 35 of this volume.)
Replicability is the primary criterion of all science. If a
discovery is made, the scientist making the discovery needs to
explain clearly the procedures that were used to make the
Other scientists then typically duplicate the procedures
exactly to verify the original claims. No criticisms of the initial
claims are valid in the absence of attempts to duplicate the
original experiments. This is as true for my own research as it is
for the research of a physicist who claims to have discovered a new
subatomic particle using a particular experimental setup involving
a particle accelerator.
What I discovered in the process of my research was more unexpected
than the plot of any science fiction novel. I never could have
dreamed up a story more amazing than the reality that I have
perceived. What I have learned makes sense in retrospect. But
learning it challenged nearly every preconception that I had, and I
would be lying to my readers if I wrote that the process was an easy
I do not publish this material naively. I do not look forward to the
almost certain barrage of criticism that will result from the
publication of these findings. Moreover, I have an enviable and
hard-earned reputation for thoughtful and creative research, often
involving sophisticated nonlinear mathematical representations of
social phenomena. I do not want to lose this reputation.
person who is fully committed to science as a profession must
accept the responsibility that comes with it. My job as a scientist
is not to publish that which is popular or, as the current buzzword
goes, “politically correct.” A scientist must report the truth,
whatever that truth may be, and the potential reaction of others to
this truth should never be a primary consideration in the decision
to publish competently researched and fully replicable results.
Simply, the human species is at a crossroads in its evolutionary
history. We are about to enter the realm of galactic life as fully
participating members in the community of worlds. The short-term
career considerations of any scientist do not weigh significantly
against this broader agenda.
This does not mean that others will not modify or enhance my
findings. I am not perfect, and future scholars will add to my
research and correct what mistakes I have made. But the
fundamental aspects of my analyses—I am certain—will be sustained.
Those who dare to send their minds where mine has gone will find a
truth that needs no human defender.
Back to Contents
A Brief History of the U.S. Military Psychic Warfare Program
This is a book about two extraterrestrial civilizations that either
already have or soon will have an important evolutionary impact on
human life on Earth. This is not a book about scientific remote
viewing. Nonetheless, since scientific remote viewing has been used
to obtain the data presented here, and since it is a new science,
it is necessary to briefly outline the history of the subject so
that readers can place the techniques used in this research into a
The U.S. government’s involvement with psychic matters was born of
the need to collect information about the country’s enemies.
Initial interest originated within the CIA in the 1970s, but the
bulk of the research was conducted by U.S. Army intelligence,
beginning with a highly secret project aimed at training some of
their best officers.
The critical problem with military intelligence collection has
always been the risk faced by its agents, often caused by the
difficulty of communicating information back to headquarters.
Technological devices—no matter how cleverly they were
concealed—could still be discovered, and the agent’s life and
information jeopardized. What was needed was a means of
communicating information to Washington, D.C., without any physical
The original idea was for the military to develop some type of
psychic switch that could be activated in the Pentagon from, say,
Moscow. The agent could be assigned the task of getting some crucial
information that would have a yes or no informational response to
it. For example, the U.S. military could be interested in whether or
not the Soviets had a new type of weapon. A spy tasked with
acquiring this information could productively use such a psychic
switch. Even if the spy was under surveillance by the KGB, it would
never be obvious that he or she was transmitting data.
The U.S. military was also concerned that the Soviets might be
developing a psychic military potential. The United States did not
want to be left behind, and a psychic cold war developed.
Interestingly, the Soviets actually did have a psychic warfare
program. Their approach was to screen their population for the best
possible natural psychics rather than to attempt to create a
training program. While they did manage to assemble an effective
psychic team, the Soviet efforts were hampered by the same problem
that plagued the U.S. efforts, namely, resistance from higher
levels of command. On both sides, some of the resistance was aimed
at preventing a focus on particular unwanted targets, such as UFOs.
But sometimes the resistance was much more general to the nature of
the data collection method itself.
Many commanding officers on both the U.S. and Soviet sides subscribe
to conservative or traditional belief systems, often religious in
nature. Even the nonreligious objections made it clear that many
people did not want to acknowledge the capabilities of such
techniques. The resistance extended beyond the military.
was told of one instance in which a very high-ranking civilian
political appointee serving directly under the secretary of defense
began to object strenuously during a top secret briefing on the
subject of UFOs when the matters of alien technology and psychic
information were raised. The official asserted that this information
was not supposed to be known by any humans until we died and learned
it from heavenly sources. Apparently, the Soviet situation was no
better. Their officials were spooked by the subject as well, and
their project remained under-funded.
The CIA’s initial involvement with psychic matters began by working
with natural psychics. When the CIA’s covert mining of Nicaraguan
harbors came to the attention of Congress, the CIA purged all units
and projects that could lead to further political trouble or
embarrassment. This ended the CIA’s involvement with psychic
The program to develop a psychic “switch” never succeeded. But the
effort to do so resulted in the military’ s exploration of the
application of psychic techniques in intelligence gathering. Two
projects are particularly noteworthy in this regard. The first was
the work by Professor Robert Jahn at Princeton University’s
(Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research) laboratory, which attracted
a great deal of interest from the intelligence community, though the
PEAR lab received no military or intelligence funding.
was the research at the Remote Viewing Lab at
(formerly the Stanford Research Institute) under the leadership of
Harold Puthoff that attracted the military’s interest most.
The U.S. Army did not have the same political problems that plagued
the CIA. To the Army, mission accomplishment was the only thing that
mattered. While the CIA was enmeshed in its psychic troubles, the
Army began creating a group of hidden or “black” units that would
help solve some of its more difficult intelligence problems.
One of these special units was codenamed Detachment G (for “Grill
Flame”) and did not appear on any organizational schematic for the
military. Detachment G was assigned the original task of
investigating the use of psychic techniques to penetrate the most
secret military projects of the enemies of the United States.
Because of this unit’s unusual nature, information it gathered was
circulated only to a handful of the highest-ranking officers and
political appointees. It soon became apparent that the project was
yielding useful information. If the project was going to mature, it
would have to be expanded beyond its existing boundaries.
problem with expanding the project was that the phenomenon of remote
viewing had not been recognized by the scientific community. The
Army needed to find some way to give the phenomenon greater
scientific credibility so that it could
eventually put its efforts on the books and increase funding. Thus
it began funding some scientific efforts in an attempt to validate
The early efforts at psychic information gathering did not involve
remote viewing as it is practiced today. These first efforts
focused on maintaining altered states of consciousness in people
who were natural psychics. Operationally, this usually involved a
psychic lying on a bed with electrodes connected to his or her head
and feet. The electronic equipment was used to indicate that the
subject had achieved a 180degree polarity shift in body voltage,
which was usually the indication that the altered state had been
achieved. Another person in the room, called a “facilitator,” would
then instruct the person to “move” to the target and report what he
or she observed.
Though these experiments yielded some valuable information, the
information gathered in this fashion was not always consistent
across sessions or subjects. The military needed high degrees of
reliability; nothing else would do if the big brass were to be convinced
of the material’s value.
It was in 1982 that natural psychic
Ingo Swann made his major
breakthroughs in remote viewing by developing the protocols that
would support reliable intelligence gathering. Swann made his
discoveries over many years as he was participating in extensive
experiments being conducted at various scientific institutes,
including Stanford Research Institute (Swann 1991, pp. 924). He
developed a form of remote viewing that was based on the use of
geographical coordinates, and this form became known as “coordinate
remote viewing.”’ 1
1. Another natural psychic who has worked extensively with SRI
Joseph McMoneagle. Mr. McMoneagle has recently
published a very readable book on the subject of remote viewing.
Mind Trek: Exploring Consciousness, Time, and Space Through
Remote Viewing, also has a chapter on some of his own viewing of a
past civilization on Mars (McMoneagle 1993, pp. 15574). Indeed, my
own research under controlled conditions corroborates many of
McMoneagle’s observations regarding this ancient Martian
Later, Swann was contracted to train over a dozen individuals in
these techniques—some members of the military and some civilians.
Their original training lasted one year. To introduce the general
subject of altered awareness to the trainees, the team was first
sent to the Monroe Institute in Virginia, where they received
formal training in out-of-body states.
Washington, D.C., would not be itself without at least one major
scandal occupying the attention of the lawmakers and the press at
any given time. Every so often—but always after a major scandal— the
powers-that-be take action to avoid such incidents in the future.
During the Iran-Nicaragua-Oliver North fiasco, the secretary of
defense initiated a search throughout the defense community for any
other rogue or “hip pocket” organizations lacking proper oversight,
which might prove politically embarrassing to the president. He
found the remote viewing detachment and sent an inspector general
team to investigate it. Since the remote viewing team was supposed
to be a research unit, the civilian overseers presented the research
they thought could be defended as “normal.”
Operational matters went from bad to worse from that point on for
the nation’s most highly trained remote viewers. Their influence in
Washington, never great, diminished.
Yet all of the team members knew by this time that they had been
given a special gift, a gift of sight. This gift brought with it a
responsibility that extended beyond national boundaries. It was this
realization, together with a parallel and newly born need to serve a
greater cause, that beckoned some of them to turn their inner eye
upward, toward the stars.
When this all began in the early 1980s,
none of them ever could have guessed that their gaze would
eventually lead to a mission that could alter the evolutionary
course of humanity itself.
Back to Contents
Probably the best single course of information regarding the
historical origins of modern remote viewing (i.e., the protocols
themselves, not the military program to use them) is a book written
by the person who developed the early version of the actual
remote viewing protocols used by the U.S. military, Ingo Swann. In
Everybody ‘s Guide to Natural ESP, Swann describes a basic
theoretical overview of why remote viewing works (Swann 1991).
should be understood that Swann’s views are hypotheses, or theories,
regarding remote viewing. Swann is an artist (a painter) and an
extraordinarily gifted natural psychic, but he is not a scientist.
Nonetheless, his views are a valuable set of intuitively guided
ideas on the matter.
Readers should understand at the outset that remote viewing (as the
term is used here) bears no similarity to the techniques of
television or tabloid psychics. Remote viewing is an exacting and
demanding discipline that involves a precisely structured set of
protocols, and only an individual who has been fully trained by a
competent teacher can utilize it accurately for data gathering purposes.
Readers of this book would be well advised to put aside—at
least temporarily—any opinions (pro or con) that may be based on
previously obtained information or experience with natural psychics.
Both methodologically and substantively, this book contains
information that will be totally new to nearly all readers.
Scientific Remote Viewing
Remote viewing has evolved from an art to a science through a
striking history of progress and refinement, and the use of remote
viewing in the course of my research also led to enhancements in
both technique and understanding. In the 1980s, the primary innovation
of the modern military procedures over coordinate remote viewing
was that the restrictive need to use geographical coordinates was
But also, the; modern military version of remote viewing
can gather greater quantities and different qualities of data than
traditionally was the case with coordinate remote viewing.
Interestingly, private companies now exist that use these
military developed procedures. Moreover, the procedures are often
variously labeled, depending on who is using them. Even my own
trainer in the military developed procedures has renamed them. But
to my knowledge, these variously labeled procedures are identical,
or nearly identical, to those which were developed by the U.S.
military, and which are still in use by the military today.
The form of remote viewing used to conduct the research for this
book I now call “scientified remote viewing.”
viewing (SRV) is a technique that is derived from the
military developed procedures as well. Scientific remote viewing is
slightly different from the modern military procedures because of
how, and for what purpose it is used.
SRV is identical to the
modern military procedures for remote viewing in terms of structure.
But SRV has been extended to enable two-way communication between a
remote viewer and telepathically capable beings. The military
version of remote viewing was always a passive data acquisition
procedure, and it was never used for communication purposes in this
Nonetheless, in the discussion below, I describe the
structure of the military derived remote viewing procedures, not
their use. Thus, when I refer to the structure of SRV,
I am referring more generally to the modern military developed
procedures as well.
SRV is a set of protocols, or procedures, that allows what is often
referred to as the “unconscious mind” to communicate with the
conscious mind, thereby transferring valuable information from one
level of awareness to another. Information coming from the
unconscious mind is typically considered intuition. It is a feeling
about something of which one otherwise has no direct knowledge.
example, many mothers will claim that they simply know when one of
their children is in serious trouble. They feel it in their bones,
so to speak, even when they have not been told anything specific
regarding their child’s situation. More generally, intuition
operates across space and time without any physical means of
information transference. SRV systematizes the reading of intuition
and allows it to be accurately transcribed onto paper, and later
Using scientific remote viewing, the information coming from the
unconscious is recorded before the conscious mind has a chance to
interfere with it using normal waking state intellectual processes,
such as rationalization or imagination. Parts of these protocols are
very similar to the picture drawings of remote objects that have
been described in the extant historical literature on the subject.
(See Swann 1991, pp. 73114, for a useful review of this literature.)
Indeed, picture drawings are a crucial component of the first and
third stages of SRV, and remote viewers are trained to decode these
drawings in order to extract basic information about the target
(i.e., that which is being remote viewed).
Basically, information about a target comes to trained individuals
through their unconscious minds. Remote viewers quickly write down
this information during a remote viewing session while staying
within the strict structure of the protocols. The rules of SRV
enable a viewer to avoid using the intellectual processes of his or
her conscious mind until after the remote viewing session is
Deviating from the protocols even slightly invites the
conscious mind to intervene in the process. To do this would court
disaster, since the conscious mind would try to interpret data on
the spot, thereby activating the mind’s imagination. Experience has
shown that this seriously compromises the accuracy of the data,
which is why untrained natural psychics
are generally not reliable remote viewers. Not analyzing the data
until after it is collected is the single most important characteristic
of SRV. Without this, remote viewing is no more reliable than having
a daytime fantasy.2
2. For additional general information on the role of the unconscious
in information transference, see Targ and Puthoff 1977, Wilber 1977,
and Mavromatis 1987.
The following point is extremely important. I am not asking anyone
to believe what I write in this book, in the sense that one must
believe a set of religious ideas. This book is a report of my investigations.
As with all good scientific investigations, this one is
independently replicable by anyone trained in the protocols of SRV.
Thus, other researchers can corroborate everything that I report
here. Moreover, I have already gone to great lengths to document and
corroborate all of the information reported here. While the
mechanics of this corroboration are described later in this chapter,
it is important to emphasize at this point that faith or belief has
no place in this or any other scientific investigation. Only data
and the intelligent interpretation of these data matter.
present and interpret a large body of data. Other researchers can
verify the accuracy of these data easily, as long as they are
appropriately trained in the protocols of SRV.
Scientific remote viewing always focuses on a target. A target can
be almost anything about which one needs information. Typically,
targets are places, events, or people. But one can also work with
more challenging targets as well, such as a person’s dreams, or even
God. One relies on the unconscious to deliver the required
information in a way that will be understandable to the conscious
An SRV session begins by executing a set of procedures using target
coordinates. These are essentially two randomly generated
four digit numbers that are assigned to the target, and the remote
viewer does not have to know what target the numbers represent. It
is convenient to use numbers for these coordinates, but letters
would work as well. These coordinates are, obviously, not indicative of a target’s geographic location. The numbers are themselves
meaningless to the conscious mind of the remote viewer.
Using these numbers rather than, say, the name of the target, helps
distance the conscious mind and its imagination from the
data collection process, thereby inhibiting guessing and other forms
of data contamination. Moreover, extensive experience has demonstrated
that the unconscious mind instantly knows the target even if it is
only given its coordinate numbers.
Indeed, in practice, target
coordinates are often given to a remote viewer without any
additional information. The remote viewer then conducts the SRV
protocols on these numbers to obtain target information without
being told the target’s identity until after the remote viewing is
Using these target coordinates, a remote viewer would follow the
strict protocols of SRV throughout the session. The mental
connection with the target produces what is called a signal. All
information coming from the target is distinguished from
contaminating information (such as from the imagination) by the
viewer’s learning to discern the distinct mental flavor of signal
At the end of each session, the viewer is given the
actual description of the target to allow a comparison with the
remote viewing data, thereby obtaining feedback on the
data gathering process.
The SRV Protocols
The SRV protocols have seven distinct stages. In each stage, different
types of information are obtained from the target. The stages are
engaged in an SRV session sequentially, from Stage 1 to Stage 7,
although often a session will end without completing all seven
stages if the needed target information has been obtained using the
earlier stages only.
The seven stages of the SRV protocols are as follows:
Stage 1: Stages 1 and 2 are referred to as “the preliminaries” in
this book and are designed to establish initial site contact. The
data obtained about the target in Stage 1—for example, whether there
is a manmade structure associated with the target site—are crude.
Stage 2: This stage increases the contact with the site. Information obtained in this stage includes colors, surface textures,
temperatures, tastes, smells, and sounds that are associated with
Stage 3: This stage involves an initial sketch of the target.
Stage 4: Target contact in this stage is quite
intimate. In Stage
4, the unconscious is allowed total control in “solving the problem”
by permitting it to direct the flow of information to the conscious
Stage 5: This stage obtains details regarding particular
structures, such as the furniture in a room. This stage is often
omitted in SRV sessions unless such detailed information regarding
a particular object is required.
Stage 6: In this stage, the remote viewer can conduct some guided
explorations of the site. The viewer can engage in some limited
conscious intellectual activity to direct the unconscious to do
certain specific tasks. This is where timelines and geographic locational arrangements are analyzed. Advanced sketches are also
drawn in this stage.
Stage 7: This stage is used to obtain auditory information
relating to the site, such as the name of a location.
Remote Viewing Data
Not all remote viewing data are the same. Indeed, there are various
types of data, all obtained under very different conditions. Remote
viewing, under any conditions, is not easy to do. One does not close
one’s eyes and suddenly “see” the target. The process takes
approximately one hour per session, and multiple sessions per target
are often needed in order to get a firm grasp of the objects,
beings, ideas, and so forth that are associated with the target.
There are six different types of remote viewing data. One
distinguishing characteristic of the various types of data is the
amount of information the viewer has about the target prior to the
beginning of the remote viewing session. This information often
differs from session to session. The other primary distinguishing
characteristic of the data types is whether or not the viewer is
working with a person called a monitor, as I explain more
Depending on the purpose of the session, there can be, say, six
hundred separate things to do—one quickly following another— within
up to seven distinct stages of the protocols. The basic idea behind
these many tasks is to record (on paper) target information as
quickly as possible before the analytic portions of the mind can
distort, interpret, or otherwise contaminate it. At the end of a
session, the viewer has approximately twenty sheets of paper with
various forms of data, which are then decoded, interpreted, and
Target contact during SRV can sometimes be intimate. It often
happens that approximately halfway through the session, the viewer
begins to experience bilocation, in which the viewer feels he or she
is at two places at once.
The rate at which data come through from
the remote viewing signal at this point is often very fast, and it
is necessary for the viewer to record as much as possible in a
relatively short period of time.
Type 1 data
When a remote viewer
conducts a session alone, the conditions of
data collection are referred to as solo. When the session is solo
and the remote viewer picks the target (thus having prior knowledge
of that target), the data are referenced as Type 1 data.
Knowing the target in advance is called frontloading. Frontloading
is often necessary; sometimes a viewer simply needs to know
something about a known target. The difficulty with this type of
session (primarily affecting novice remote viewers) is that the
viewer’s imagination can more easily contaminate these data, since
the viewer may have preconceived notions of the target.
This is why
it is so important to follow the exact structure of the remote
viewing protocols and thereby limit this type of
contamination. The risk of contamination diminishes markedly with
experience, which cultivates a habit of staying strictly within the
structure of the protocols.
Type 2 data
For the novice remote viewer, the risk of contamination is reduced
with Type 2 data. With this type of remote viewing session,
the viewer works solo but does not choose the target for the
particular session. The target is selected by a computer at random
from a predetermined list of targets; the computer supplies the
viewer with only the coordinates for the target.
The viewer may be
familiar with the list of targets (and, indeed, may have been
involved in choosing the targets for the list), but only the
computer knows which numbers are associated with each specific
target. Since the conscious minds of the remote viewers do not know
which target is associated with which coordinates, viewers must use
their unconscious to extract all information regarding the target.
Thus, it is said that the viewer is conducting the session blind,
which means without prior knowledge (or frontloading) of the
Type 3 data
Another type of solo and blind session is used to collect what is
called Type 3 data. With Type 3 data, the target is determined by
someone other than the remote viewer. For example, a remote viewing
company can send a fax transmission from its headquarters
containing the target coordinates to a group of trained remote
viewers who live across the United States. The company’s management
knows the target, but the viewers do not. The viewers do not have
contact with one another.
They may also receive some limited and
uncompromising information regarding the target—perhaps whether the
target is a place or an event. These viewers then conduct sessions
using the coordinates alone and then fax their results back to
Experience has shown that information which
is corroborated using multiple viewers tends to be accurate 100
percent of the time. Moreover, since the viewers may “drop into” a
target at different points in time or space, the different sessions
can reveal complementary perspectives of the target, resulting in a
more complete picture.
Remote viewing solo does have some drawbacks. When viewers conduct
their own SRV sessions, the protocols prevent them from fully using
the analytic portions of their minds. Thus, the viewers can find
themselves viewing a target without knowing what to do next. Solo
sessions yield valuable information about a target, but more
detailed and in-depth information can be obtained when someone else
is doing the navigation. This other person is called a monitor, and
monitored sessions can be spectacularly interesting events.
Type 4 data
There are three types of monitored SRV sessions. When the monitor
knows the target but communicates only the target’s coordinates to
the viewer, this generates Type 4 data. These types of monitored
sessions are sometimes used heavily during training.
Type 4 data can
be very useful from a research perspective, since the monitor has
the maximum amount of information with which to direct the viewer.
In these sessions, the monitor tells the viewer what to do, where to
look, where to go, and even what to ask if a telepathic being is
encountered. This allows the viewer to almost totally disengage his
or her analytic mental abilities while the monitor does all of the
The monitor and the remote viewer need not be in the same room
during a session. Speakerphones can be used to establish the
necessary verbal dialogue between the monitor and the viewer. This
allows monitored sessions to take place even though the monitor and
the remote viewer may be in different locations separated by
thousands of miles.
Once or twice during such sessions,
diagrammatic data can be faxed to the monitor to ensure adequate
control of the flow of information. Such situations are referred to
as remotely monitored sessions. Much of the primary data used for
this book came from Type 4 data of this sort.
Type 5 data
In particularly critical situations, researchers may want a totally
blind setting for data collection, thereby eliminating any
possibility of monitor leading. In these cases, both the viewer and
the monitor are blind, with the target’s coordinates coming either
from an outside agency or drawn by a computer program from a list of
targets.3 Data collected in this manner are called
Type 5 data.
3. Again, it does not matter if the monitor and the viewer are aware
of the contents of the list if the list is long. Experience has
shown that if the list is sufficiently long, the conscious mind
abandons any attempts to guess the target identity.
Sessions conducted under these conditions tend to be
highly reliable. The disadvantages are that such sessions consume
more time than other types of remote viewing, and they may not allow
the monitor to sort out the most useful information during the
It is a bit like asking a flight navigator to begin his or
her job after a plane is under way. The flight will probably go more
smoothly if a general flight plan is arranged prior to departure.
Nonetheless, Type 5 data are extremely useful in some situations,
and it can add an extra layer of reliability to the overall results.
Type 6 date
The final sort, Type 6 data, come from sessions in which both the
monitor and the viewer are frontloaded with target information.
This type of session is used if the viewer needs to obtain more
information about a specific target but feels constrained with solo
sessions. In this setting, the monitor takes over the navigation,
but the viewer and the monitor communicate in advance with regard to
the goals of the session.
Summary of data types
In summary, the different categories of remote viewing data are:
Type 1: Solo, frontloaded, with target selected by viewer
Type 2: Solo, blind, with target selected at random by computer
from a predetermined list of targets
Type 3: Solo, blind, with target determined by an outside agency
Type 4: Monitored, viewer blind and monitor frontloaded
Type 5: Monitored, viewer and monitor blind, with target selected
at random by computer from a predetermined list of targets or by an
Type 6: Monitored, viewer and monitor frontloaded
No one type of datum is better than all of the others, and each has
its advantages and disadvantages.
List of Targets
The vast majority of the SRV sessions that were used to generate
the data for this book were conducted under Type 4 conditions. This
means that I, the remote viewer, did the session blind while my
monitor knew the target. Most of the targets for the sessions were
drawn randomly from a list of forty targets that my monitor and I
Over the course of my investigations, I allowed
my monitor to add approximately fifteen other targets without
telling me what they were. My monitor also gave me no advance
warning as to whether a target I was about to view was one of these
special targets or one from the original list.
After my monitor and I began conducting the sessions, I purposely
refused to look at the list of the original forty targets: I wished
to avoid keeping track of our (non-sequential) progress through the
list. Thus, to say that the data were collected under blind
conditions does not mean that I never saw the original forty item
target list. It means that I had no knowledge of which target I was
getting on a session-by-session basis.
From the perspective of the SRV protocols, the goal is simply to
convince the conscious mind in advance that it is hopeless to
attempt to guess target information. This forces the conscious mind
to rely totally on the data that are supplied by the unconscious
Such measures are not so important for the experienced remote
viewer, who is highly skilled in reporting only information that is
supplied by the unconscious regardless of the type of data. But
given the controversial nature of the subject of this book, I made
the decision early in these investigations to add the extra layer
of credibility to my data collection efforts by relying on Type 4
data as much as possible.
Criticisms Born of Ignorance
Critics of remote viewing usually focus on monitored data, and they
typically contend that such data (Types 4 through 6) can be
contaminated by the monitor’s own prejudices and interpretations. Specifically, they charge that the monitor leads the
viewer, much in the same way that hand movements have been employed
by some therapists, either knowingly or unknowingly, to lead the
Communications of autistic children. Such criticisms are most often
used to discount the validity of remote viewing data in general.
However, these charges against SRV are really quite hollow.
One must remember that most remote viewing data using Earth based
targets can be independently confirmed, and this has been done
exhaustively in the development of these protocols. Thus, we are not
dealing with something that requires one to believe the data, as one
would believe a set of religious ideas.
The data are simply accurate
or they are not accurate. If the target information cannot be
confirmed through physical means, it is always possible for any
number of other remote viewers to view the target under solo and
blind conditions (Type 3 data) to obtain corroborating data. The
probability of multiple remote viewers obtaining the same site
information under blind Type 3 conditions is infinitesimal, and it
far exceeds the statistical requirements normally imposed on
rigorously conducted, empirical scientific research.
These problems of criticism are typical of those experienced by most
early explorers. For example, James Bruce was one of the first
European explorers to enter the area of Africa that is now known as
Ethiopia. His explorations took place in the latter half of the
1700s, and included a large number of experiences that his
contemporaries in Britain simply did not believe.
People called him
liar; they claimed that no place could be that strange. Yet Ethiopia
was still Ethiopia, and later explorers found exactly what James
Bruce found (in particular, see Hibbert 1982, pp. 2152). Calling
Bruce a liar made little sense, yet people still did it even though
they had no personal experience to match his own. Corroborating his
experiences was the only thing that made sense.
Disbelief by those who have never had direct experience with
exploration is a common human phenomenon that is still with us
today. The answer to any doubts regarding a person’s experiences is
never argumentation about what is or is not possible, but rather
Limitations of SRV
Scientific remote viewing has its limitations. Some of these
limitations seem to be due to the nature of particular targets. For
example, a trained remote viewer can target a book and get a basic
idea of its contents, but it may prove impossible to read it. I have
personally remote viewed an insignia on the uniform of an ET.
could tell that the uniform was white, but I had to spend a
considerable amount of time making out the exact outline of the
symbol on the badge. It is similarly difficult to read road signs
and street names, though these things can be done by a viewer with a
significant level of training.
Another limitation with remote viewing is determining one’s location
relative to some known position. For example, it is easy to target
the home-world of an ET civilization, but difficult to figure out
where that home-world is in relation to our own solar system. A
remote viewer can follow an ET ship from Earth to the ET’s
home-world and not know the exact path taken. This type of
limitation can be overcome, but the “price” of the information (in
terms of time, effort, and resources) is great.
To use another
example, in the course of our research, we determined that one group
of ETs had an underground base on Earth, situated beneath a rounded
mountain. With the combined efforts of many remote viewers, we
finally determined the rounded mountain’s likely location, but it
was not an easy task.
Most of SRV’s limitations can be overcome with adequate time,
effort, and resources. But until very recently, there has been
another type of limitation that is of an entirely different nature.
Sometimes a remote viewer can be prohibited by an external source
from viewing at target. For example, the UFO abductee literature
has numerous references to ETs that are known as “Greys.”
are short, thin, and greyish in complexion and are often reported
making medical examinations and performing gynecological procedures
on humans taken aboard spacecraft. Trained remote viewers who have
tried to penetrate the Greys’ ships have found their vision
“blocked.” Actually, it would be more accurate to say that a
substitute view has been given to the remote viewers.
It is usually easy to detect a fraudulent signal. For example,
when the Greys generate this substitute view, multiple remote
viewers will receive little if any corroborating data; nothing
overlaps. (Recently, as will become clear in Chapter 14, even the
prohibition on remote viewing UFO abductions has been removed.)
A final limitation worth mentioning is one of concept. Remote
viewers go into a session “as they are.” Remote viewing is a lot
like being blindfolded and dropped into a foreign city. You take off
the blindfold and look around. You have no idea of where you are,
yet you notice buildings, people, strange languages, and many physical
sensations. You may be able to perceive everything, but you may not
To be understood, all remote viewing data needs to be placed
somewhere within the viewer’s own intellectual background. While the
unconscious mind tries to make the information understandable to
the conscious mind, the job is easier if the conscious mind already
understands basic concepts related to the viewed data.
I would not be very useful remote viewing details of an advanced
alien technology. I simply would not know what I was looking at. Try
as it may, my unconscious mind would not likely be able to get my
conscious mind to understand anything other than the most basic
information regarding the technology. But a trained engineer might
be able to grasp all sorts of important information, including
The engineer’s education helps with the
understanding of what is perceived. On the other hand, since I am a
social scientist, I can do a very good job remote viewing ET
societies, and I can understand how they organize and govern
themselves. That is, my conscious mind can understand what my
unconscious mind has shown me, and I can explain what I see to
others. In short, the unconscious mind can perceive virtually
anything, but one still relies on the conscious mind to understand
what is perceived.
In general, remote viewing’s limitations are relatively few, and
insofar as these obstacles are a consequence of our skills or training,
they will fall before future generations of better trained remote
viewers. As for limitations imposed on us by the ETs, the ETs rarely
do this, and when they do, their purpose tends to be to prevent us
from interfering with ET activities, or to protect us from something
for which we are not fully prepared.
I believe that even these
limitations may be overcome as humankind matures sufficiently to be introduced to what we now know is a rather robust
Biases in the Extant UFO Literature
When compared with what we now know about extraterrestrial
activities on or near Earth, the extant literature on UFOs has many
scientifically unsupportable biases. However, many of the faulty
conclusions that one finds in the literature are not due to
While conducting the research presented in this book,
I have both spoken to and read many books by intelligent people who
are sincerely trying to unravel an extremely perplexing problem.
The UFO enigma is difficult to understand even with remote viewing
data. In the absence of these data, it is almost impossible to
The only other publicly available sources of information are
based on either eyewitness accounts of passing UFOs, abduction
reports—usually extracted from hypnotized individuals—or channeled
information in which friendly ETs purportedly speak to supportive
humans while the humans are in a trancelike state.
There are problems with all of these latter types of data, and it is
important to explain these problems clearly. To begin with
eyewitness reports of passing UFOs, these reports simply do not
contain a sufficient amount of information to be useful from a
scientific perspective. What can one say about such a report except
that an unusual flying object was sighted? We still are left with no
information regarding the occupants of the craft, nor do we know
anything about the societies from which they originate.
Problems associated with abduction reports are much more complicated
and require a more extended treatment. I have no doubt that
something very real is happening to many people who claim to have
been abducted by ETs and brought aboard a UFO, and we now have
remote viewing data corroborating much of what has been reported.
The general idea in these reports is that humans are being abducted
and used against their will to act as incubators during the first
three months of pregnancy for genetically engineered offspring that are part ET and part human. The literature tends to
suggest that the Greys have a need to produce a new type of body for
themselves, in the sense that they are unsatisfied with their
The vast majority of the abduction cases involve
some degree of amnesia on the part of the abductee that is overcome
using hypnosis by a trained therapist. Two systematic and useful
reports of this phenomenon presented by academics can be found in
Abduction by Harvard University professor
John E. Mack (1994) and
Secret Life: Firsthand Documented Accounts of UFO Abductions by
Temple University professor David Jacobs (1992).
Dr. Mack, a professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, has
suggested—based on population surveys—that more than one million
Americans may have been abducted at least once during their lives
(Jacobs 1992, p. 9), and such experiences are not limited to people
of the United States.
Some individuals seek help— usually in the
form of psychological counseling—to deal with the emotional impact,
though the number of these individuals is relatively small. Even
so, I have been told that informal reports from some therapists
suggest that approximately forty thousand individuals in the United
States (to date) may have sought some form of professional help with
regard to their abduction experiences. I do not know if this is an
It is quite possible, perhaps likely, that the people who do go to
counselors are primarily those who are particularly disturbed by
their encounters with the ETs.4 This could be because some of the ET-human interactions do not go smoothly, whereas most other interactions
are not as traumatic—for whatever reasons. If this is the case, then
the abduction literature is biased in terms of its sample of
4. This point has also been raised by Whitley Strieber (1995) in his
The Next Step.
This is the first of five major biases that I find in
this literature. That is, the literature is not working with a
representative sample of individuals who have been abducted. On the
contrary, using such a potentially unrepresentative sample would
skew the results of this research in the direction of
interpretations filled with fear and trauma.
Predictably, much of
this literature (notably excluding work by Mack) is filled with
warnings with regard to evil aliens that are abducting adults and
snatching fetuses for Nazi-like
genetic experiments. The point is not whether this is true, but that
it is impossible to determine the true character of the ETs based
only on a lopsided selection of traumatized individuals.
balanced selection of cases would include those in which the human’s
interactions with the ETs went smoothly. But such individuals would
not be known to the therapists, since they would probably not seek
The second major bias involved in nearly all of the abduction
literature revolves around the use of hypnosis. I have no doubt that
hypnosis has been very helpful in resurrecting memories for
abductees. However, if the Greys have the ability to influence
memory recall as profoundly as is suggested in this literature, then
it is probable that the memories that are recalled are also
unrepresentative. Moreover, the memories that would most likely
surface are those that contain the greatest emotional impact for the abductee, such as those associated with moments of shock or trauma.
Thus, we have a situation in which an unrepresentative sample of
memories may be resurrected from the minds of an unrepresentative
sample of abductees. It is not possible to draw general conclusions
with regard to overall ET intentions from such data, even if the
reported data are accurate. It would be comparable to ETs trying to
find out what humans are like by interviewing only automobile
The results of any such study would inevitably be
that humans are a careless, often drunk, sadistic, and evil species
that enjoys inflicting suffering on their own kind. Such suffering
may occur; but the characterization of that suffering as
representative of the entirety of human culture would be terribly
The third major bias in the abduction literature has to do with the
perspective of the researchers themselves. It is easy to sympathize
with individuals who feel they were kidnapped and abused. We are a
highly emotional species that easily identifies with victims of
traumatic events. We hate the villains and seek retribution.
Researchers are in the emotional soup—so to speak—with the victims
when they conduct hypnosis sessions that bring back hidden
memories, and few of these researchers are trained (Mack, notably
excluded) to distance themselves emotionally from the lives of
their subjects. Only professionals highly trained in the discipline
of psychological counseling are likely to be able to work competently with
such repressed memories and still remain reasonably objective.
Emotions are real, and they must be worked with in the most controlled and competent environments. Minimally, the health of the
patients requires this. But also, from an interpretive perspective,
to draw general conclusions from data gathered by individuals who
are not well trained in psychotherapeutic skills only invites
serious misunderstandings of the data.
The fourth bias that I find in the abduction literature involves the
broader culture from within which the reports originate. We are a
society that loves to report violence. This is clearly evident in
most of our daily television news shows. In such programs, one
almost never hears about calm and emotionally healthful events.
Rather, the news that dominates the airwaves is about rapes,
murders, and crimes of all sorts. Victims are typically portrayed in
a pathetic fashion. Rarely do news reports say anything sympathetic
about a person who commits a crime, like how the person became
psychologically unstable when he was sexually abused as a child or a
victim of gang rape in an alley of an inner-city slum. We rarely ask
why a crime has occurred. Rather, we ask how we can punish those who
commit crimes, immaturely refusing to develop a more balanced
perspective of life’s complexities.
Additionally, our culture enjoys dwelling on the details of both
imaginary and real violence. Violence is one of the most successful
products of the Hollywood film industry. It permeates an enormous
number of box office hits. If we ever mature as a society, one of
the things that we will have to face is our love of violence.
is not to say that the abductees have not experienced things that
they authentically see as personal abuse. But there may be another
side to the story that we miss if we only focus on, and amplify, the
reports of abuse while never asking if there might be a good reason
for what happened. To use an analogy, just as children inevitably
feel that they are assaulted when they are taken to the doctor’s
office to receive their vaccinations, we humans may also feel that
we are abused by ETs if we do not understand the broader picture
within which the activity takes place.
Again, I am not minimizing
the experiences of the abductees. I am just arguing for a pause in
the storm of fear and hate to develop a more balanced perspective
of events before we jump to conclusions and decide that we are under
The final bias that I find in the abduction literature is likely to
be the most controversial, and some may react strongly to this idea.
The bias is one of racial stereotyping. It is important to
understand that I am not saying that the abductees are racist. The
problem is one of how our general society tries to view beings who
are different from ourselves.
According to much of the abduction literature, the ETs who are
involved in this activity are quite literally grey. They are small,
thin, have large wraparound eyes, leathery skin, and lack emotional
depth. They are not tall, blond, and blue-eyed. In my view, these
perceived differences have triggered an automatic stereotyping to
occur within our own minds with respect to these beings. If we were
a society in which racism was absent, I would not raise the point
But if we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that
human society has a habitual problem of unfairly establishing rules
of human treatment based on racial characteristics. If this is true
with how we treat other humans of different races, how more so would
it likely be with regard to nonhumans?
Abductees come from our own culture, and our own culture does not
always view beings who look significantly different from ourselves
in a positive light. Given such a setting, is it not surprising
that such beings are often portrayed as evil? From this
perspective, the potential exists for humans to contaminate the
data with interpretive cultural biases. If we are to play a mature
role in galactic society, we will probably need to face our own
psychological problems squarely, and we will have to learn how to
view other cultures through a more objective lens.
Let me give a rather typical example of the types of stereotyping
that appear repeatedly in the abduction literature that points to
racism as a serious problem with our view of the universe. With this
example, I do not mean to single out critically one author. The
example is not unique, and it is used here only for heuristic
purposes to illustrate the more general problem. This example comes
from a recently published book by George C. Andrews.
information given to him from an abductee, and he writes that other
abductees have supported many of these views as well. In this book,
he presents claims that the Greys were in contact with Hitler,
derive nourishment from glandular secretions extracted from
mutilated animals, worked with the CIA and the Nazis to deploy the
AIDS virus and other viruses, and have done many other negative
On the other hand, their enemies (i.e., the ET
are “tall Blonds” or “Swedes.” These beings are usually beautiful
and handsome from a mainstream Western cultural perspective. The
Blonds are upset with humans because our governments seem to want to
work with the Greys, their mortal and evil enemy (Andrews 1993, pp.
These types of racial biases and stereotypical generalizations are
particularly unhelpful if we wish to understand the ET phenomenon
clearly. Again, it needs repeating: the only things that matter are
obtaining accurate data and the intelligent interpretation of these
data. Until now, we have had mostly biased data, the interpretation
of which has been seriously skewed by our research practices and our
own cultural problems. We need a fresh crack at the ET enigma. We
need to leave our prejudices behind and to develop a more complete
picture of the phenomenon.
The final method of data gathering that I mentioned above is
channeling, and some may feel that this is an alternative to remote
viewing. It is important to explain here why this is not the case.
Channeling occurs when a person goes into a trancelike state while
he or she communicates telepathically with an alien entity.
Sometimes it is claimed that the entity temporarily “takes over” the
person’s mind and body in order to make the communication.
In my experience, with few exceptions, I have not found channeled
information to be reliably accurate when compared with
remote viewing data. Typically, channelers introduce humans to ET
brothers and sisters who say that they are the good guys and who
warn humans to watch out for the bad guys.
The channeled beings then
proceed to offer a variety of information regarding the past,
present, and future, together with warnings and admonitions. But
the material typically is not consistent across channelers, nor
(again) does it usually agree with remote viewing results. With
remote viewing, researchers can control both what is observed, the
training of the observer, and the conditions under which the data
are observed. Inaccurate data can be isolated and
discarded using rigorous screening and checking procedures.
channeling allows none of this. One simply has to believe the channeler or not, and beliefs are not a satisfying substitute for
objective observations that can be verified and corroborated
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