No book such as this one could have been written without the help of many other people. I could not have even begun the research for this book without the assistance of my teachers of the subject of consciousness. I was blind to an important aspect of my own existence before they began to guide my growth in this regard. My concrete awareness of who I am, and who we all are, has matured greatly since that period of near total darkness.

A special note of thanks must be given to my agent and friend, Sandra Martin. She offered to market my book when it was little more than an idea, and she has been supportive of my efforts through all of the difficult and unsure times that preceded the manuscript’s completion. She believed in me, and that belief gave me courage to finish a project that has always been almost certain to bring a storm of criticism from many of my academic colleagues.

I am grateful for the support of my editor at Penguin USA, Edward Stackler. He took a chance by supporting publication of this book when the manuscript was splitting the editorial staffs of other presses right down the middle. His emphasis in keeping my writing clear and simple, as compared with a more academic style, is also greatly appreciated. Robert Durant, Jo Lenore Jordan, and Dale Stephens also gave me useful advice.

My wife and son helped in their own ways. It has not been possible for us to live simple, “normal” lives since this all began. Yet through it all, my wife has supported me. As for my son, he enabled me to put my research into a broader context by helping me see the real reason behind all of life’s struggles.

There are extraterrestrials, as my readers will see. Make no mistake about it: I could not have gathered any data or written this book if many of these extraterrestrials did not cooperate with my research efforts. Indeed, this is really as much their book as it is mine. It is, at least, their true story that I tell.

Finally, I want to thank in advance all of those readers who will understand and appreciate that which I have done. There are always people ready to criticize novel research, and I will weather their criticism as best I can. The big unknown is the number of people who will find this book useful. However many there are in this latter group, rest assured that I am grateful to you. If your lives are richer in any way because of what I report here, all of my efforts will have been worthwhile.

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Cosmic Voyage is a detailed examination of two societies of known intelligent extraterrestrial life. More specifically, this volume is the result of years of work observing alien cultures whose activities here on Earth have been very pronounced. The bottom line is that Cosmic Voyage describes the history of two alien worlds that died, and how the civilization of each survived beyond its home-world's death to arrive here, on Earth.


These survivors have needs, desperate needs. But as it turns out, so do we humans, and this galactic tryst is leading to a future in which three races share a common destiny. The great link connecting the three races is that all three home-worlds either already experienced, or will soon experience, planet wide ecological disasters of spectacular proportions. Indeed, it is from these other two races that humans will learn much regarding how others have survived on planets of dust.

The research presented in this book was conducted using rigorous and exacting remote viewing protocols that were recently developed for the U.S. military for espionage purposes. The data that are obtained using these protocols accurately represent reality, not imagination or allegory. I make no apologies for the methods used to conduct my research, though in the absence of these methods the research would not have been possible. The methods are new, but they are valid and exceptionally reliable research instruments, regardless of whether many other scientists yet accept them or are familiar with them.

What follows in this volume is what I learned about extraterrestrials, both during my own training and in the months that followed. In Part I of this book, I introduce both the subject and the history of remote viewing. Also in Part I, I relate my own story, which is associated with my extensive training program in remote viewing and in other advanced techniques relating to consciousness.


The heart of the book is located in Part II, where I detail all of my data and analyses regarding extraterrestrials. I have chosen to present this material in Part II chronologically so that the reader can share with me the thrill of the discoveries as they were made. In Part III of this book, I analyze where humankind now stands, given what we know about our needs and the needs of the broader galactic community.


I make suggestions regarding our participation in interspecies diplomacy, including a course of study that our diplomats can follow to begin the representation of humans in the Galactic Federation, a galactic collective organization.

There is extraterrestrial life, lots of it.


This book explains what we now know about two extraterrestrial civilizations that have recently been visiting Earth. This is not a book of speculation about extraterrestrial life. This is a volume of results, as well as the interpretation of those facts, that I am willing to defend as authoritative regarding existing societies that have evolved on worlds other than our own planet.

There is always a study that is the first of its kind, and this is such a study. Widespread acceptance of the methods will come in time; there is no doubt in my mind about this. Meanwhile, we need not be ashamed of using these newly discovered methods while we wait for a new generation of scientists to become acquainted with them, as long as the uses of the techniques are held to rigorous scientific standards. This book sets a baseline for these standards.

The methods used to collect the data in this book have been as rigorously controlled as those used in any solid social science study. This is not to say that the methods are the same as those typically used in the social sciences, but rather the application of scientific principles in guiding the data collection procedures have been rigorously followed. As I explain more fully later, this is particularly true of the principles of replicability of results.

Humans have an astonishing ability to dismiss information that does not conform to their preconceived notions of reality. Scientists, being human, suffer from this mindset as much as anyone else. In some circles, these preconceived worldviews are known as currently accepted paradigms. These are informational patterns, internally constructed templates, with which all externally obtained information is judged.


This externally obtained information can come from a newspaper, a friend, a lecturer in a university, a book, or any other source. But when confronted with ideas, let alone facts, that do not fit into an accepted informational paradigm, humans tend to have an intense desire not to believe the new information. At times it seems any excuse will seem rational, since the goal is what matters: the established paradigm must not be readily abandoned.

Because of this phenomenon, large numbers of contradictions occur in human society. For example, it is easy to find any number of physicists who will tell you that there is no evidence that supports the idea that telepathy is possible. On the other hand, it is just as easy to determine that many of these same physicists routinely go to places of worship with their families at least once a week to engage in telepathic communication with one or more nonphysical beings.


Indeed, as will become clear by the time you finish this book, the vast majority of scientists who do not consider things such as telepathy and remote viewing “real” are simply misinformed at best or, more likely, too biased to look at the subject objectively.

But make no mistake about it. Critical nodes of the conservative scientific community are well aware of the absolute existence of at least some psi phenomena. There are many examples of scientific verification of such phenomena. However, a particularly noteworthy report by two psychologists, Daryl J. Bern and Charles Honorton, on telepathic communication between humans in a series of highly controlled studies appeared in the January 1994 issue of the mainstream psychology journal Psychological Bulletin.


Certainly large numbers of scientists remain skeptical. But the ultimate outcome of the debate can no longer be doubted. As time marches on, increasing numbers of mainstream scientists will continue to “discover” a wide array of psi phenomena.

The great physicist Max Planck once noted that major advances in the sciences occur not because someone makes an important discovery and everyone else eagerly accepts the new ideas. Rather, generational change mediates the advancement of science. Older scientists tend to stick to the intellectual paradigms that were current during the time when they did the major portion of their research early in their careers. Thus, society often waits until older scientists are replaced by a new generation of scientists who have since the beginning of their careers been acquainted with new ideas.

Over the past fifteen years, scientific understanding of remote viewing—the ability to accurately perceive information at great distances across space and time—has made tremendous advances, though a broad scientific acceptance of this understanding still lags. Throughout human history, it has repeatedly been noted that certain apparently gifted individuals had the ability to perceive information from a remote location—in the sense, for example, that a person could perceive a house on the other side of the planet.


But it is precisely because science could not figure out why only “gifted” individuals could do these things (and not always consistently) that the reality of the ability has always been questioned. All that is changed now. The most significant discovery of the past fifteen years is that we do not need to rely on gifted individuals to perform these feats any longer. The talent can be taught, and anyone—including scientists—can learn it and use it with great accuracy.


Moreover, the reliability of trained individuals is generally much greater than that of the best natural psychics. Executed competently, studies employing remote viewing using trained viewers can yield replicable results with nearly total accuracy, virtually all of the time.

It was members of the U.S. military who learned this trained form of remote viewing while serving in a highly classified team of special operations and intelligence officers in the Army. The original purpose behind training these psychic warriors was to spy on the perceived enemies of the United States. However, once their training was complete, the group began to view targets that were often more interesting than, say, missile silos or meetings within the Kremlin walls. The group began to examine the enigma of unidentified flying objects and, more specifically, extraterrestrial beings visiting Earth.

My own interaction with this group of military remote viewers began after many of them had left the military in hopes of using these newly developed remote viewing tools more broadly than had previously been possible. One of my first characterizations of their early efforts with regard to UFOs was that they were concentrating too much of their energy on the beings flying the ships.


It was my view that they should shift their efforts entirely to understanding the societies from which the ships emanated. I offered my services as a social scientist to them, hoping that I would be able to make a significant contribution in answering a broader set of questions relating to the structure of sentient life in our galaxy. This was the genesis of this book.

Until now, few have known the complete story of what remote viewing has revealed about the UFO phenomenon. This book represents an attempt to put as many of the pieces of the puzzle together as possible, given our current knowledge. This is not the definitive UFO or extraterrestrial (ET) book. Rather, it is one attempt at solid research using a new set of tools for data gathering. The expectation is that other researchers using these same tools will make further discoveries and that our understanding of ET life will continue to expand.


The Choice of Species

This volume examines the societies and home-worlds of two extraterrestrial civilizations. One, an ancient civilization that flourished on Mars during the time that dinosaurs roamed on Earth, is currently and precariously sustained with a much diminished population; the other is that of a group of beings called the Greys.


The choice of these two civilizations for this volume was not made because remote viewers have found no other civilizations, for we have indeed found others. I focus on these two civilizations because they are playing a particularly important role in the current evolution of our own civilization on this planet.

Certain practical matters also suggest that the Martian and the Grey civilizations are the appropriate targets of investigation at this time. Mars is physically very close to us, and there is a natural interest among humans in that planet’s history. Humans will be able to visit Mars in the near future. This will allow us to examine the archaeological ruins of that civilization closely, thereby adding physical evidence to the remote viewing data that are presented here.


With regard to the Greys, they have been closely involved with both Martians and humans for a long time. Given the scope of their activities in this solar system, it only makes sense to explain who the Greys are and to describe their interesting history.


The Stakes

This is a book of fact, not fiction. I have repeatedly checked on the accuracy of my observations under a variety of data collection settings, and as of mid 1995 other trained remote viewers have independently corroborated many, and perhaps most, of my basic findings. Thus, replicability is an important element of the claims that I make here. I am continuing to work with viewers to this day to obtain further corroboration of my results.

Any person of sound mind can now obtain the training that is necessary to independently replicate my results. (I describe this training program in detail in Chapter 35 of this volume.) Replicability is the primary criterion of all science. If a discovery is made, the scientist making the discovery needs to explain clearly the procedures that were used to make the discovery.


Other scientists then typically duplicate the procedures exactly to verify the original claims. No criticisms of the initial claims are valid in the absence of attempts to duplicate the original experiments. This is as true for my own research as it is for the research of a physicist who claims to have discovered a new subatomic particle using a particular experimental setup involving a particle accelerator.

What I discovered in the process of my research was more unexpected than the plot of any science fiction novel. I never could have dreamed up a story more amazing than the reality that I have perceived. What I have learned makes sense in retrospect. But learning it challenged nearly every preconception that I had, and I would be lying to my readers if I wrote that the process was an easy one.

I do not publish this material naively. I do not look forward to the almost certain barrage of criticism that will result from the publication of these findings. Moreover, I have an enviable and hard-earned reputation for thoughtful and creative research, often involving sophisticated nonlinear mathematical representations of social phenomena. I do not want to lose this reputation.


But a person who is fully committed to science as a profession must accept the responsibility that comes with it. My job as a scientist is not to publish that which is popular or, as the current buzzword goes, “politically correct.” A scientist must report the truth, whatever that truth may be, and the potential reaction of others to this truth should never be a primary consideration in the decision to publish competently researched and fully replicable results.

Simply, the human species is at a crossroads in its evolutionary history. We are about to enter the realm of galactic life as fully participating members in the community of worlds. The short-term career considerations of any scientist do not weigh significantly against this broader agenda.

This does not mean that others will not modify or enhance my findings. I am not perfect, and future scholars will add to my research and correct what mistakes I have made. But the fundamental aspects of my analyses—I am certain—will be sustained.


Those who dare to send their minds where mine has gone will find a truth that needs no human defender.

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A Brief History of the U.S. Military Psychic Warfare Program

This is a book about two extraterrestrial civilizations that either already have or soon will have an important evolutionary impact on human life on Earth. This is not a book about scientific remote viewing. Nonetheless, since scientific remote viewing has been used to obtain the data presented here, and since it is a new science, it is necessary to briefly outline the history of the subject so that readers can place the techniques used in this research into a proper context.

The U.S. government’s involvement with psychic matters was born of the need to collect information about the country’s enemies. Initial interest originated within the CIA in the 1970s, but the bulk of the research was conducted by U.S. Army intelligence, beginning with a highly secret project aimed at training some of their best officers.

The critical problem with military intelligence collection has always been the risk faced by its agents, often caused by the difficulty of communicating information back to headquarters. Technological devices—no matter how cleverly they were concealed—could still be discovered, and the agent’s life and information jeopardized. What was needed was a means of communicating information to Washington, D.C., without any physical apparatus.

The original idea was for the military to develop some type of psychic switch that could be activated in the Pentagon from, say, Moscow. The agent could be assigned the task of getting some crucial information that would have a yes or no informational response to it. For example, the U.S. military could be interested in whether or not the Soviets had a new type of weapon. A spy tasked with acquiring this information could productively use such a psychic switch. Even if the spy was under surveillance by the KGB, it would never be obvious that he or she was transmitting data.

The U.S. military was also concerned that the Soviets might be developing a psychic military potential. The United States did not want to be left behind, and a psychic cold war developed.

Interestingly, the Soviets actually did have a psychic warfare program. Their approach was to screen their population for the best possible natural psychics rather than to attempt to create a training program. While they did manage to assemble an effective psychic team, the Soviet efforts were hampered by the same problem that plagued the U.S. efforts, namely, resistance from higher levels of command. On both sides, some of the resistance was aimed at preventing a focus on particular unwanted targets, such as UFOs. But sometimes the resistance was much more general to the nature of the data collection method itself.

Many commanding officers on both the U.S. and Soviet sides subscribe to conservative or traditional belief systems, often religious in nature. Even the nonreligious objections made it clear that many people did not want to acknowledge the capabilities of such techniques. The resistance extended beyond the military.


Indeed, I was told of one instance in which a very high-ranking civilian political appointee serving directly under the secretary of defense began to object strenuously during a top secret briefing on the subject of UFOs when the matters of alien technology and psychic information were raised. The official asserted that this information was not supposed to be known by any humans until we died and learned it from heavenly sources. Apparently, the Soviet situation was no better. Their officials were spooked by the subject as well, and their project remained under-funded.

The CIA’s initial involvement with psychic matters began by working with natural psychics. When the CIA’s covert mining of Nicaraguan harbors came to the attention of Congress, the CIA purged all units and projects that could lead to further political trouble or embarrassment. This ended the CIA’s involvement with psychic warfare.

The program to develop a psychic “switch” never succeeded. But the effort to do so resulted in the military’ s exploration of the application of psychic techniques in intelligence gathering. Two projects are particularly noteworthy in this regard. The first was the work by Professor Robert Jahn at Princeton University’s PEAR (Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research) laboratory, which attracted a great deal of interest from the intelligence community, though the PEAR lab received no military or intelligence funding.


However, it was the research at the Remote Viewing Lab at SRI International (formerly the Stanford Research Institute) under the leadership of Dr. Harold Puthoff that attracted the military’s interest most.

The U.S. Army did not have the same political problems that plagued the CIA. To the Army, mission accomplishment was the only thing that mattered. While the CIA was enmeshed in its psychic troubles, the Army began creating a group of hidden or “black” units that would help solve some of its more difficult intelligence problems.

One of these special units was codenamed Detachment G (for “Grill Flame”) and did not appear on any organizational schematic for the military. Detachment G was assigned the original task of investigating the use of psychic techniques to penetrate the most secret military projects of the enemies of the United States.

Because of this unit’s unusual nature, information it gathered was circulated only to a handful of the highest-ranking officers and political appointees. It soon became apparent that the project was yielding useful information. If the project was going to mature, it would have to be expanded beyond its existing boundaries.


The problem with expanding the project was that the phenomenon of remote viewing had not been recognized by the scientific community. The Army needed to find some way to give the phenomenon greater scientific credibility so that it could eventually put its efforts on the books and increase funding. Thus it began funding some scientific efforts in an attempt to validate the phenomenon.

The early efforts at psychic information gathering did not involve remote viewing as it is practiced today. These first efforts focused on maintaining altered states of consciousness in people who were natural psychics. Operationally, this usually involved a psychic lying on a bed with electrodes connected to his or her head and feet. The electronic equipment was used to indicate that the subject had achieved a 180degree polarity shift in body voltage, which was usually the indication that the altered state had been achieved. Another person in the room, called a “facilitator,” would then instruct the person to “move” to the target and report what he or she observed.

Though these experiments yielded some valuable information, the information gathered in this fashion was not always consistent across sessions or subjects. The military needed high degrees of reliability; nothing else would do if the big brass were to be convinced of the material’s value.

It was in 1982 that natural psychic Ingo Swann made his major breakthroughs in remote viewing by developing the protocols that would support reliable intelligence gathering. Swann made his discoveries over many years as he was participating in extensive experiments being conducted at various scientific institutes, including Stanford Research Institute (Swann 1991, pp. 924). He developed a form of remote viewing that was based on the use of geographical coordinates, and this form became known as “coordinate remote viewing.”’ 1


1. Another natural psychic who has worked extensively with SRI International is Joseph McMoneagle. Mr. McMoneagle has recently published a very readable book on the subject of remote viewing.


The book, Mind Trek: Exploring Consciousness, Time, and Space Through Remote Viewing, also has a chapter on some of his own viewing of a past civilization on Mars (McMoneagle 1993, pp. 15574). Indeed, my own research under controlled conditions corroborates many of McMoneagle’s observations regarding this ancient Martian civilization.

Later, Swann was contracted to train over a dozen individuals in these techniques—some members of the military and some civilians. Their original training lasted one year. To introduce the general subject of altered awareness to the trainees, the team was first sent to the Monroe Institute in Virginia, where they received formal training in out-of-body states.

Washington, D.C., would not be itself without at least one major scandal occupying the attention of the lawmakers and the press at any given time. Every so often—but always after a major scandal— the powers-that-be take action to avoid such incidents in the future.


During the Iran-Nicaragua-Oliver North fiasco, the secretary of defense initiated a search throughout the defense community for any other rogue or “hip pocket” organizations lacking proper oversight, which might prove politically embarrassing to the president. He found the remote viewing detachment and sent an inspector general team to investigate it. Since the remote viewing team was supposed to be a research unit, the civilian overseers presented the research they thought could be defended as “normal.”

Operational matters went from bad to worse from that point on for the nation’s most highly trained remote viewers. Their influence in Washington, never great, diminished.

Yet all of the team members knew by this time that they had been given a special gift, a gift of sight. This gift brought with it a responsibility that extended beyond national boundaries. It was this realization, together with a parallel and newly born need to serve a greater cause, that beckoned some of them to turn their inner eye upward, toward the stars.


When this all began in the early 1980s, none of them ever could have guessed that their gaze would eventually lead to a mission that could alter the evolutionary course of humanity itself.


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Remote Viewing Background

Probably the best single course of information regarding the historical origins of modern remote viewing (i.e., the protocols themselves, not the military program to use them) is a book written by the person who developed the early version of the actual remote viewing protocols used by the U.S. military, Ingo Swann. In his book Everybody ‘s Guide to Natural ESP, Swann describes a basic theoretical overview of why remote viewing works (Swann 1991).


It should be understood that Swann’s views are hypotheses, or theories, regarding remote viewing. Swann is an artist (a painter) and an extraordinarily gifted natural psychic, but he is not a scientist. Nonetheless, his views are a valuable set of intuitively guided ideas on the matter.

Readers should understand at the outset that remote viewing (as the term is used here) bears no similarity to the techniques of television or tabloid psychics. Remote viewing is an exacting and demanding discipline that involves a precisely structured set of protocols, and only an individual who has been fully trained by a competent teacher can utilize it accurately for data gathering purposes.


Readers of this book would be well advised to put aside—at least temporarily—any opinions (pro or con) that may be based on previously obtained information or experience with natural psychics. Both methodologically and substantively, this book contains information that will be totally new to nearly all readers.


Scientific Remote Viewing

Remote viewing has evolved from an art to a science through a striking history of progress and refinement, and the use of remote viewing in the course of my research also led to enhancements in both technique and understanding. In the 1980s, the primary innovation of the modern military procedures over coordinate remote viewing was that the restrictive need to use geographical coordinates was eliminated.


But also, the; modern military version of remote viewing can gather greater quantities and different qualities of data than traditionally was the case with coordinate remote viewing.

Interestingly, private companies now exist that use these military developed procedures. Moreover, the procedures are often variously labeled, depending on who is using them. Even my own trainer in the military developed procedures has renamed them. But to my knowledge, these variously labeled procedures are identical, or nearly identical, to those which were developed by the U.S. military, and which are still in use by the military today.

The form of remote viewing used to conduct the research for this book I now call “scientified remote viewing.” Scientific remote viewing (SRV) is a technique that is derived from the military developed procedures as well. Scientific remote viewing is slightly different from the modern military procedures because of how, and for what purpose it is used.


SRV is identical to the modern military procedures for remote viewing in terms of structure. But SRV has been extended to enable two-way communication between a remote viewer and telepathically capable beings. The military version of remote viewing was always a passive data acquisition procedure, and it was never used for communication purposes in this fashion.


Nonetheless, in the discussion below, I describe the structure of the military derived remote viewing procedures, not their use. Thus, when I refer to the structure of SRV, I am referring more generally to the modern military developed procedures as well.

SRV is a set of protocols, or procedures, that allows what is often referred to as the “unconscious mind” to communicate with the conscious mind, thereby transferring valuable information from one level of awareness to another. Information coming from the unconscious mind is typically considered intuition. It is a feeling about something of which one otherwise has no direct knowledge.


For example, many mothers will claim that they simply know when one of their children is in serious trouble. They feel it in their bones, so to speak, even when they have not been told anything specific regarding their child’s situation. More generally, intuition operates across space and time without any physical means of information transference. SRV systematizes the reading of intuition and allows it to be accurately transcribed onto paper, and later analyzed.

Using scientific remote viewing, the information coming from the unconscious is recorded before the conscious mind has a chance to interfere with it using normal waking state intellectual processes, such as rationalization or imagination. Parts of these protocols are very similar to the picture drawings of remote objects that have been described in the extant historical literature on the subject. (See Swann 1991, pp. 73114, for a useful review of this literature.)


Indeed, picture drawings are a crucial component of the first and third stages of SRV, and remote viewers are trained to decode these drawings in order to extract basic information about the target (i.e., that which is being remote viewed).

Basically, information about a target comes to trained individuals through their unconscious minds. Remote viewers quickly write down this information during a remote viewing session while staying within the strict structure of the protocols. The rules of SRV enable a viewer to avoid using the intellectual processes of his or her conscious mind until after the remote viewing session is completed.


Deviating from the protocols even slightly invites the conscious mind to intervene in the process. To do this would court disaster, since the conscious mind would try to interpret data on the spot, thereby activating the mind’s imagination. Experience has shown that this seriously compromises the accuracy of the data, which is why untrained natural psychics are generally not reliable remote viewers. Not analyzing the data until after it is collected is the single most important characteristic of SRV. Without this, remote viewing is no more reliable than having a daytime fantasy.2


2. For additional general information on the role of the unconscious in information transference, see Targ and Puthoff 1977, Wilber 1977, and Mavromatis 1987.

The following point is extremely important. I am not asking anyone to believe what I write in this book, in the sense that one must believe a set of religious ideas. This book is a report of my investigations. As with all good scientific investigations, this one is independently replicable by anyone trained in the protocols of SRV.


Thus, other researchers can corroborate everything that I report here. Moreover, I have already gone to great lengths to document and corroborate all of the information reported here. While the mechanics of this corroboration are described later in this chapter, it is important to emphasize at this point that faith or belief has no place in this or any other scientific investigation. Only data and the intelligent interpretation of these data matter.


Here, I present and interpret a large body of data. Other researchers can verify the accuracy of these data easily, as long as they are appropriately trained in the protocols of SRV.


Target Coordinates

Scientific remote viewing always focuses on a target. A target can be almost anything about which one needs information. Typically, targets are places, events, or people. But one can also work with more challenging targets as well, such as a person’s dreams, or even God. One relies on the unconscious to deliver the required information in a way that will be understandable to the conscious mind.

An SRV session begins by executing a set of procedures using target coordinates. These are essentially two randomly generated four digit numbers that are assigned to the target, and the remote viewer does not have to know what target the numbers represent. It is convenient to use numbers for these coordinates, but letters would work as well. These coordinates are, obviously, not indicative of a target’s geographic location. The numbers are themselves meaningless to the conscious mind of the remote viewer.

Using these numbers rather than, say, the name of the target, helps distance the conscious mind and its imagination from the data collection process, thereby inhibiting guessing and other forms of data contamination. Moreover, extensive experience has demonstrated that the unconscious mind instantly knows the target even if it is only given its coordinate numbers.


Indeed, in practice, target coordinates are often given to a remote viewer without any additional information. The remote viewer then conducts the SRV protocols on these numbers to obtain target information without being told the target’s identity until after the remote viewing is completed.

Using these target coordinates, a remote viewer would follow the strict protocols of SRV throughout the session. The mental connection with the target produces what is called a signal. All information coming from the target is distinguished from contaminating information (such as from the imagination) by the viewer’s learning to discern the distinct mental flavor of signal information.


At the end of each session, the viewer is given the actual description of the target to allow a comparison with the remote viewing data, thereby obtaining feedback on the data gathering process.


The SRV Protocols

The SRV protocols have seven distinct stages. In each stage, different types of information are obtained from the target. The stages are engaged in an SRV session sequentially, from Stage 1 to Stage 7, although often a session will end without completing all seven stages if the needed target information has been obtained using the earlier stages only.

The seven stages of the SRV protocols are as follows:

  • Stage 1: Stages 1 and 2 are referred to as “the preliminaries” in this book and are designed to establish initial site contact. The data obtained about the target in Stage 1—for example, whether there is a manmade structure associated with the target site—are crude.

  • Stage 2: This stage increases the contact with the site. Information obtained in this stage includes colors, surface textures, temperatures, tastes, smells, and sounds that are associated with the target.

  • Stage 3: This stage involves an initial sketch of the target.

  • Stage 4: Target contact in this stage is quite intimate. In Stage 4, the unconscious is allowed total control in “solving the problem” by permitting it to direct the flow of information to the conscious mind.

  • Stage 5: This stage obtains details regarding particular structures, such as the furniture in a room. This stage is often omitted in SRV sessions unless such detailed information regarding a particular object is required.

  • Stage 6: In this stage, the remote viewer can conduct some guided explorations of the site. The viewer can engage in some limited conscious intellectual activity to direct the unconscious to do certain specific tasks. This is where timelines and geographic locational arrangements are analyzed. Advanced sketches are also drawn in this stage.

  • Stage 7: This stage is used to obtain auditory information relating to the site, such as the name of a location.


Categories of Remote Viewing Data


Not all remote viewing data are the same. Indeed, there are various types of data, all obtained under very different conditions. Remote viewing, under any conditions, is not easy to do. One does not close one’s eyes and suddenly “see” the target. The process takes approximately one hour per session, and multiple sessions per target are often needed in order to get a firm grasp of the objects, beings, ideas, and so forth that are associated with the target.

There are six different types of remote viewing data. One distinguishing characteristic of the various types of data is the amount of information the viewer has about the target prior to the beginning of the remote viewing session. This information often differs from session to session. The other primary distinguishing characteristic of the data types is whether or not the viewer is working with a person called a monitor, as I explain more thoroughly below.

Depending on the purpose of the session, there can be, say, six hundred separate things to do—one quickly following another— within up to seven distinct stages of the protocols. The basic idea behind these many tasks is to record (on paper) target information as quickly as possible before the analytic portions of the mind can distort, interpret, or otherwise contaminate it. At the end of a session, the viewer has approximately twenty sheets of paper with various forms of data, which are then decoded, interpreted, and summarized.

Target contact during SRV can sometimes be intimate. It often happens that approximately halfway through the session, the viewer begins to experience bilocation, in which the viewer feels he or she is at two places at once.


The rate at which data come through from the remote viewing signal at this point is often very fast, and it is necessary for the viewer to record as much as possible in a relatively short period of time.

Type 1 data
When a remote viewer conducts a session alone, the conditions of data collection are referred to as solo. When the session is solo and the remote viewer picks the target (thus having prior knowledge of that target), the data are referenced as Type 1 data.

Knowing the target in advance is called frontloading. Frontloading is often necessary; sometimes a viewer simply needs to know something about a known target. The difficulty with this type of session (primarily affecting novice remote viewers) is that the viewer’s imagination can more easily contaminate these data, since the viewer may have preconceived notions of the target.


This is why it is so important to follow the exact structure of the remote viewing protocols and thereby limit this type of contamination. The risk of contamination diminishes markedly with experience, which cultivates a habit of staying strictly within the structure of the protocols.

Type 2 data
For the novice remote viewer, the risk of contamination is reduced with Type 2 data. With this type of remote viewing session, the viewer works solo but does not choose the target for the particular session. The target is selected by a computer at random from a predetermined list of targets; the computer supplies the viewer with only the coordinates for the target.


The viewer may be familiar with the list of targets (and, indeed, may have been involved in choosing the targets for the list), but only the computer knows which numbers are associated with each specific target. Since the conscious minds of the remote viewers do not know which target is associated with which coordinates, viewers must use their unconscious to extract all information regarding the target. Thus, it is said that the viewer is conducting the session blind, which means without prior knowledge (or frontloading) of the target.

Type 3 data
Another type of solo and blind session is used to collect what is called Type 3 data. With Type 3 data, the target is determined by someone other than the remote viewer. For example, a remote viewing company can send a fax transmission from its headquarters containing the target coordinates to a group of trained remote viewers who live across the United States. The company’s management knows the target, but the viewers do not. The viewers do not have contact with one another.


They may also receive some limited and uncompromising information regarding the target—perhaps whether the target is a place or an event. These viewers then conduct sessions using the coordinates alone and then fax their results back to company headquarters.


Experience has shown that information which is corroborated using multiple viewers tends to be accurate 100 percent of the time. Moreover, since the viewers may “drop into” a target at different points in time or space, the different sessions can reveal complementary perspectives of the target, resulting in a more complete picture.

Remote viewing solo does have some drawbacks. When viewers conduct their own SRV sessions, the protocols prevent them from fully using the analytic portions of their minds. Thus, the viewers can find themselves viewing a target without knowing what to do next. Solo sessions yield valuable information about a target, but more detailed and in-depth information can be obtained when someone else is doing the navigation. This other person is called a monitor, and monitored sessions can be spectacularly interesting events.

Type 4 data
There are three types of monitored SRV sessions. When the monitor knows the target but communicates only the target’s coordinates to the viewer, this generates Type 4 data. These types of monitored sessions are sometimes used heavily during training.


Type 4 data can be very useful from a research perspective, since the monitor has the maximum amount of information with which to direct the viewer. In these sessions, the monitor tells the viewer what to do, where to look, where to go, and even what to ask if a telepathic being is encountered. This allows the viewer to almost totally disengage his or her analytic mental abilities while the monitor does all of the analysis.

The monitor and the remote viewer need not be in the same room during a session. Speakerphones can be used to establish the necessary verbal dialogue between the monitor and the viewer. This allows monitored sessions to take place even though the monitor and the remote viewer may be in different locations separated by thousands of miles.


Once or twice during such sessions, diagrammatic data can be faxed to the monitor to ensure adequate control of the flow of information. Such situations are referred to as remotely monitored sessions. Much of the primary data used for this book came from Type 4 data of this sort.

Type 5 data
In particularly critical situations, researchers may want a totally blind setting for data collection, thereby eliminating any possibility of monitor leading. In these cases, both the viewer and the monitor are blind, with the target’s coordinates coming either from an outside agency or drawn by a computer program from a list of targets.3 Data collected in this manner are called Type 5 data.

3. Again, it does not matter if the monitor and the viewer are aware of the contents of the list if the list is long. Experience has shown that if the list is sufficiently long, the conscious mind abandons any attempts to guess the target identity.

Sessions conducted under these conditions tend to be highly reliable. The disadvantages are that such sessions consume more time than other types of remote viewing, and they may not allow the monitor to sort out the most useful information during the session.


It is a bit like asking a flight navigator to begin his or her job after a plane is under way. The flight will probably go more smoothly if a general flight plan is arranged prior to departure. Nonetheless, Type 5 data are extremely useful in some situations, and it can add an extra layer of reliability to the overall results.

Type 6 date
The final sort, Type 6 data, come from sessions in which both the monitor and the viewer are frontloaded with target information. This type of session is used if the viewer needs to obtain more information about a specific target but feels constrained with solo sessions. In this setting, the monitor takes over the navigation, but the viewer and the monitor communicate in advance with regard to the goals of the session.


Summary of data types

In summary, the different categories of remote viewing data are:

  • Type 1: Solo, frontloaded, with target selected by viewer

  • Type 2: Solo, blind, with target selected at random by computer from a predetermined list of targets

  • Type 3: Solo, blind, with target determined by an outside agency

  • Type 4: Monitored, viewer blind and monitor frontloaded

  • Type 5: Monitored, viewer and monitor blind, with target selected at random by computer from a predetermined list of targets or by an outside agency

  • Type 6: Monitored, viewer and monitor frontloaded

No one type of datum is better than all of the others, and each has its advantages and disadvantages.

List of Targets

The vast majority of the SRV sessions that were used to generate the data for this book were conducted under Type 4 conditions. This means that I, the remote viewer, did the session blind while my monitor knew the target. Most of the targets for the sessions were drawn randomly from a list of forty targets that my monitor and I compiled together.


Over the course of my investigations, I allowed my monitor to add approximately fifteen other targets without telling me what they were. My monitor also gave me no advance warning as to whether a target I was about to view was one of these special targets or one from the original list.

After my monitor and I began conducting the sessions, I purposely refused to look at the list of the original forty targets: I wished to avoid keeping track of our (non-sequential) progress through the list. Thus, to say that the data were collected under blind conditions does not mean that I never saw the original forty item target list. It means that I had no knowledge of which target I was getting on a session-by-session basis.

From the perspective of the SRV protocols, the goal is simply to convince the conscious mind in advance that it is hopeless to attempt to guess target information. This forces the conscious mind to rely totally on the data that are supplied by the unconscious mind.


Such measures are not so important for the experienced remote viewer, who is highly skilled in reporting only information that is supplied by the unconscious regardless of the type of data. But given the controversial nature of the subject of this book, I made the decision early in these investigations to add the extra layer of credibility to my data collection efforts by relying on Type 4 data as much as possible.


Criticisms Born of Ignorance

Critics of remote viewing usually focus on monitored data, and they typically contend that such data (Types 4 through 6) can be contaminated by the monitor’s own prejudices and interpretations. Specifically, they charge that the monitor leads the viewer, much in the same way that hand movements have been employed by some therapists, either knowingly or unknowingly, to lead the Communications of autistic children. Such criticisms are most often used to discount the validity of remote viewing data in general. However, these charges against SRV are really quite hollow.

One must remember that most remote viewing data using Earth based targets can be independently confirmed, and this has been done exhaustively in the development of these protocols. Thus, we are not dealing with something that requires one to believe the data, as one would believe a set of religious ideas.


The data are simply accurate or they are not accurate. If the target information cannot be confirmed through physical means, it is always possible for any number of other remote viewers to view the target under solo and blind conditions (Type 3 data) to obtain corroborating data. The probability of multiple remote viewers obtaining the same site information under blind Type 3 conditions is infinitesimal, and it far exceeds the statistical requirements normally imposed on rigorously conducted, empirical scientific research.

These problems of criticism are typical of those experienced by most early explorers. For example, James Bruce was one of the first European explorers to enter the area of Africa that is now known as Ethiopia. His explorations took place in the latter half of the 1700s, and included a large number of experiences that his contemporaries in Britain simply did not believe.


People called him liar; they claimed that no place could be that strange. Yet Ethiopia was still Ethiopia, and later explorers found exactly what James Bruce found (in particular, see Hibbert 1982, pp. 2152). Calling Bruce a liar made little sense, yet people still did it even though they had no personal experience to match his own. Corroborating his experiences was the only thing that made sense.

Disbelief by those who have never had direct experience with exploration is a common human phenomenon that is still with us today. The answer to any doubts regarding a person’s experiences is never argumentation about what is or is not possible, but rather corroboration.

Limitations of SRV

Scientific remote viewing has its limitations. Some of these limitations seem to be due to the nature of particular targets. For example, a trained remote viewer can target a book and get a basic idea of its contents, but it may prove impossible to read it. I have personally remote viewed an insignia on the uniform of an ET.


I could tell that the uniform was white, but I had to spend a considerable amount of time making out the exact outline of the symbol on the badge. It is similarly difficult to read road signs and street names, though these things can be done by a viewer with a significant level of training.

Another limitation with remote viewing is determining one’s location relative to some known position. For example, it is easy to target the home-world of an ET civilization, but difficult to figure out where that home-world is in relation to our own solar system. A remote viewer can follow an ET ship from Earth to the ET’s home-world and not know the exact path taken. This type of limitation can be overcome, but the “price” of the information (in terms of time, effort, and resources) is great.


To use another example, in the course of our research, we determined that one group of ETs had an underground base on Earth, situated beneath a rounded mountain. With the combined efforts of many remote viewers, we finally determined the rounded mountain’s likely location, but it was not an easy task.

Most of SRV’s limitations can be overcome with adequate time, effort, and resources. But until very recently, there has been another type of limitation that is of an entirely different nature. Sometimes a remote viewer can be prohibited by an external source from viewing at target. For example, the UFO abductee literature has numerous references to ETs that are known as “Greys.”


These ETs are short, thin, and greyish in complexion and are often reported making medical examinations and performing gynecological procedures on humans taken aboard spacecraft. Trained remote viewers who have tried to penetrate the Greys’ ships have found their vision “blocked.” Actually, it would be more accurate to say that a substitute view has been given to the remote viewers.

It is usually easy to detect a fraudulent signal. For example, when the Greys generate this substitute view, multiple remote viewers will receive little if any corroborating data; nothing overlaps. (Recently, as will become clear in Chapter 14, even the prohibition on remote viewing UFO abductions has been removed.)

A final limitation worth mentioning is one of concept. Remote viewers go into a session “as they are.” Remote viewing is a lot like being blindfolded and dropped into a foreign city. You take off the blindfold and look around. You have no idea of where you are, yet you notice buildings, people, strange languages, and many physical sensations. You may be able to perceive everything, but you may not understand anything.

To be understood, all remote viewing data needs to be placed somewhere within the viewer’s own intellectual background. While the unconscious mind tries to make the information understandable to the conscious mind, the job is easier if the conscious mind already understands basic concepts related to the viewed data.


For example, I would not be very useful remote viewing details of an advanced alien technology. I simply would not know what I was looking at. Try as it may, my unconscious mind would not likely be able to get my conscious mind to understand anything other than the most basic information regarding the technology. But a trained engineer might be able to grasp all sorts of important information, including technical details.


The engineer’s education helps with the understanding of what is perceived. On the other hand, since I am a social scientist, I can do a very good job remote viewing ET societies, and I can understand how they organize and govern themselves. That is, my conscious mind can understand what my unconscious mind has shown me, and I can explain what I see to others. In short, the unconscious mind can perceive virtually anything, but one still relies on the conscious mind to understand what is perceived.

In general, remote viewing’s limitations are relatively few, and insofar as these obstacles are a consequence of our skills or training, they will fall before future generations of better trained remote viewers. As for limitations imposed on us by the ETs, the ETs rarely do this, and when they do, their purpose tends to be to prevent us from interfering with ET activities, or to protect us from something for which we are not fully prepared.


I believe that even these limitations may be overcome as humankind matures sufficiently to be introduced to what we now know is a rather robust galactic society.


Biases in the Extant UFO Literature

When compared with what we now know about extraterrestrial activities on or near Earth, the extant literature on UFOs has many scientifically unsupportable biases. However, many of the faulty conclusions that one finds in the literature are not due to incompetence.


While conducting the research presented in this book, I have both spoken to and read many books by intelligent people who are sincerely trying to unravel an extremely perplexing problem. The UFO enigma is difficult to understand even with remote viewing data. In the absence of these data, it is almost impossible to fathom.


The only other publicly available sources of information are based on either eyewitness accounts of passing UFOs, abduction reports—usually extracted from hypnotized individuals—or channeled information in which friendly ETs purportedly speak to supportive humans while the humans are in a trancelike state.

There are problems with all of these latter types of data, and it is important to explain these problems clearly. To begin with eyewitness reports of passing UFOs, these reports simply do not contain a sufficient amount of information to be useful from a scientific perspective. What can one say about such a report except that an unusual flying object was sighted? We still are left with no information regarding the occupants of the craft, nor do we know anything about the societies from which they originate.

Problems associated with abduction reports are much more complicated and require a more extended treatment. I have no doubt that something very real is happening to many people who claim to have been abducted by ETs and brought aboard a UFO, and we now have remote viewing data corroborating much of what has been reported.

The general idea in these reports is that humans are being abducted and used against their will to act as incubators during the first three months of pregnancy for genetically engineered offspring that are part ET and part human. The literature tends to suggest that the Greys have a need to produce a new type of body for themselves, in the sense that they are unsatisfied with their current biology.


The vast majority of the abduction cases involve some degree of amnesia on the part of the abductee that is overcome using hypnosis by a trained therapist. Two systematic and useful reports of this phenomenon presented by academics can be found in Abduction by Harvard University professor John E. Mack (1994) and Secret Life: Firsthand Documented Accounts of UFO Abductions by Temple University professor David Jacobs (1992).

Dr. Mack, a professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, has suggested—based on population surveys—that more than one million Americans may have been abducted at least once during their lives (Jacobs 1992, p. 9), and such experiences are not limited to people of the United States.


Some individuals seek help— usually in the form of psychological counseling—to deal with the emotional impact, though the number of these individuals is relatively small. Even so, I have been told that informal reports from some therapists suggest that approximately forty thousand individuals in the United States (to date) may have sought some form of professional help with regard to their abduction experiences. I do not know if this is an accurate estimate.

It is quite possible, perhaps likely, that the people who do go to counselors are primarily those who are particularly disturbed by their encounters with the ETs.4 This could be because some of the ET-human interactions do not go smoothly, whereas most other interactions are not as traumatic—for whatever reasons. If this is the case, then the abduction literature is biased in terms of its sample of abductees.


4. This point has also been raised by Whitley Strieber (1995) in his book Breakthrough: The Next Step.

This is the first of five major biases that I find in this literature. That is, the literature is not working with a representative sample of individuals who have been abducted. On the contrary, using such a potentially unrepresentative sample would skew the results of this research in the direction of interpretations filled with fear and trauma.


Predictably, much of this literature (notably excluding work by Mack) is filled with warnings with regard to evil aliens that are abducting adults and snatching fetuses for Nazi-like genetic experiments. The point is not whether this is true, but that it is impossible to determine the true character of the ETs based only on a lopsided selection of traumatized individuals.


A more balanced selection of cases would include those in which the human’s interactions with the ETs went smoothly. But such individuals would not be known to the therapists, since they would probably not seek counseling.

The second major bias involved in nearly all of the abduction literature revolves around the use of hypnosis. I have no doubt that hypnosis has been very helpful in resurrecting memories for abductees. However, if the Greys have the ability to influence memory recall as profoundly as is suggested in this literature, then it is probable that the memories that are recalled are also unrepresentative. Moreover, the memories that would most likely surface are those that contain the greatest emotional impact for the abductee, such as those associated with moments of shock or trauma.

Thus, we have a situation in which an unrepresentative sample of memories may be resurrected from the minds of an unrepresentative sample of abductees. It is not possible to draw general conclusions with regard to overall ET intentions from such data, even if the reported data are accurate. It would be comparable to ETs trying to find out what humans are like by interviewing only automobile accident victims.


The results of any such study would inevitably be that humans are a careless, often drunk, sadistic, and evil species that enjoys inflicting suffering on their own kind. Such suffering may occur; but the characterization of that suffering as representative of the entirety of human culture would be terribly misleading.

The third major bias in the abduction literature has to do with the perspective of the researchers themselves. It is easy to sympathize with individuals who feel they were kidnapped and abused. We are a highly emotional species that easily identifies with victims of traumatic events. We hate the villains and seek retribution.


Researchers are in the emotional soup—so to speak—with the victims when they conduct hypnosis sessions that bring back hidden memories, and few of these researchers are trained (Mack, notably excluded) to distance themselves emotionally from the lives of their subjects. Only professionals highly trained in the discipline of psychological counseling are likely to be able to work competently with such repressed memories and still remain reasonably objective.


Emotions are real, and they must be worked with in the most controlled and competent environments. Minimally, the health of the patients requires this. But also, from an interpretive perspective, to draw general conclusions from data gathered by individuals who are not well trained in psychotherapeutic skills only invites serious misunderstandings of the data.

The fourth bias that I find in the abduction literature involves the broader culture from within which the reports originate. We are a society that loves to report violence. This is clearly evident in most of our daily television news shows. In such programs, one almost never hears about calm and emotionally healthful events.


Rather, the news that dominates the airwaves is about rapes, murders, and crimes of all sorts. Victims are typically portrayed in a pathetic fashion. Rarely do news reports say anything sympathetic about a person who commits a crime, like how the person became psychologically unstable when he was sexually abused as a child or a victim of gang rape in an alley of an inner-city slum. We rarely ask why a crime has occurred. Rather, we ask how we can punish those who commit crimes, immaturely refusing to develop a more balanced perspective of life’s complexities.

Additionally, our culture enjoys dwelling on the details of both imaginary and real violence. Violence is one of the most successful products of the Hollywood film industry. It permeates an enormous number of box office hits. If we ever mature as a society, one of the things that we will have to face is our love of violence.


This is not to say that the abductees have not experienced things that they authentically see as personal abuse. But there may be another side to the story that we miss if we only focus on, and amplify, the reports of abuse while never asking if there might be a good reason for what happened. To use an analogy, just as children inevitably feel that they are assaulted when they are taken to the doctor’s office to receive their vaccinations, we humans may also feel that we are abused by ETs if we do not understand the broader picture within which the activity takes place.


Again, I am not minimizing the experiences of the abductees. I am just arguing for a pause in the storm of fear and hate to develop a more balanced perspective of events before we jump to conclusions and decide that we are under attack.

The final bias that I find in the abduction literature is likely to be the most controversial, and some may react strongly to this idea. The bias is one of racial stereotyping. It is important to understand that I am not saying that the abductees are racist. The problem is one of how our general society tries to view beings who are different from ourselves.

According to much of the abduction literature, the ETs who are involved in this activity are quite literally grey. They are small, thin, have large wraparound eyes, leathery skin, and lack emotional depth. They are not tall, blond, and blue-eyed. In my view, these perceived differences have triggered an automatic stereotyping to occur within our own minds with respect to these beings. If we were a society in which racism was absent, I would not raise the point here.


But if we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that human society has a habitual problem of unfairly establishing rules of human treatment based on racial characteristics. If this is true with how we treat other humans of different races, how more so would it likely be with regard to nonhumans?

Abductees come from our own culture, and our own culture does not always view beings who look significantly different from ourselves in a positive light. Given such a setting, is it not surprising that such beings are often portrayed as evil? From this perspective, the potential exists for humans to contaminate the data with interpretive cultural biases. If we are to play a mature role in galactic society, we will probably need to face our own psychological problems squarely, and we will have to learn how to view other cultures through a more objective lens.

Let me give a rather typical example of the types of stereotyping that appear repeatedly in the abduction literature that points to racism as a serious problem with our view of the universe. With this example, I do not mean to single out critically one author. The example is not unique, and it is used here only for heuristic purposes to illustrate the more general problem. This example comes from a recently published book by George C. Andrews.


He relays information given to him from an abductee, and he writes that other abductees have supported many of these views as well. In this book, he presents claims that the Greys were in contact with Hitler, derive nourishment from glandular secretions extracted from mutilated animals, worked with the CIA and the Nazis to deploy the AIDS virus and other viruses, and have done many other negative things.


On the other hand, their enemies (i.e., the ET good guys) are “tall Blonds” or “Swedes.” These beings are usually beautiful and handsome from a mainstream Western cultural perspective. The Blonds are upset with humans because our governments seem to want to work with the Greys, their mortal and evil enemy (Andrews 1993, pp. 14164).

These types of racial biases and stereotypical generalizations are particularly unhelpful if we wish to understand the ET phenomenon clearly. Again, it needs repeating: the only things that matter are obtaining accurate data and the intelligent interpretation of these data. Until now, we have had mostly biased data, the interpretation of which has been seriously skewed by our research practices and our own cultural problems. We need a fresh crack at the ET enigma. We need to leave our prejudices behind and to develop a more complete picture of the phenomenon.

The final method of data gathering that I mentioned above is channeling, and some may feel that this is an alternative to remote viewing. It is important to explain here why this is not the case. Channeling occurs when a person goes into a trancelike state while he or she communicates telepathically with an alien entity. Sometimes it is claimed that the entity temporarily “takes over” the person’s mind and body in order to make the communication.

In my experience, with few exceptions, I have not found channeled information to be reliably accurate when compared with remote viewing data. Typically, channelers introduce humans to ET brothers and sisters who say that they are the good guys and who warn humans to watch out for the bad guys.


The channeled beings then proceed to offer a variety of information regarding the past, present, and future, together with warnings and admonitions. But the material typically is not consistent across channelers, nor (again) does it usually agree with remote viewing results. With remote viewing, researchers can control both what is observed, the training of the observer, and the conditions under which the data are observed. Inaccurate data can be isolated and discarded using rigorous screening and checking procedures.


But channeling allows none of this. One simply has to believe the channeler or not, and beliefs are not a satisfying substitute for objective observations that can be verified and corroborated independently.


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