Such an idea and the
beginning of my deliberations on whether it would be possible to
create a state system that would be better than all past systems
- better than democracy, because it would be based on
modern scientific knowledge - came to my mind one spring day in
1973. 2
At the time, I was working as a psychologist at a mental health
clinic in Chorzów.
Those were times of
relative stability under the system commonly known as
"communism," which I already then regarded without a doubt as a
macrosocial pathological phenomenon.
Understanding the
true content of this phenomenon and getting to know the nature
of the psychological anomalies that played a leading role in it
was, in my opinion, the main objective I should serve.
In complete secrecy,
I continued the work which had been started somewhere in the
late fifties and early sixties by scholars of the past
generation from several countries.
I was looking for
ways to transfer this knowledge - so necessary at that time - to
the West, but my possibilities proved insufficient.
As if from a secondary reflection on those results, this new
idea was born. I wrote an elaboration on the possibility of
devising a better state system, which my friends read, but at
that time there was no question of publishing it. In the autumn
of 1977, I already knew that someone had informed the secret
police about my beliefs.
A psychologist
researching the pathology of the ruling system could not even
count on any form of trial. He could only count on some
"accident at work."
I managed to
anticipate their decisions and find myself abroad.
There were a number of reasons why, towards the end of my stay
in the United States, and despite the many difficulties I
encountered, I returned to this almost forgotten idea.
An analysis of the
changes that were taking place in the world and in the Soviet
Union at that time, in the light of that knowledge of the nature
of such a system, led me to the conviction that this macrosocial
pathological phenomenon - completely misunderstood in America -
was approaching its natural end.
The problem of
reconstructing a healthy social system, in countries freed from
such rule, would therefore soon face the Polish nation and other
nations in all its dramatic realism.
At that time I did
not believe that democracy could provide us with a quick return
to social health.
Observing life and politics in a country so different from the
rest of the world as the United States of America has taught me
to see beyond the established archetypes of understanding and
beyond the preached doctrines.
For beyond such a
façade of democracy, one must be able to discern the extremely
complex biological, psychological, social, and economic
realities, as well as the workings of domestic and international
special interest and pressure groups.
In such a different
world, which does not know the concept of "society," there
arises the need to return to one's own country and its long
history, to its social bonds and to a way of thinking which is
closer to that of many other nations.
Another reason for my return to this work was the reading of a
number of works then unavailable in Poland. I was also able to
deepen my earlier studies of the history of the interwar period.
In particular, I
tried to understand the difficult process that a nation had to
go through to regain self-government after years of bondage.
What happened in
Poland in those years after the First World War was a typical
example of these difficulties.
I also knew that this
time the process would be even more complicated, because human
personalities would be permeated by the effects of the influence
of a pathological system, which might be understandable to an
experienced psychologist, but not to most - even educated -
people.
So I decided to recreate that job from memory, supplementing it
with newly acquired knowledge.
I worked under
difficult conditions, sometimes slyly in the childcare office
where I was employed. This is how the second version of this
work was created.
Having returned to
Poland in 1990, I immediately made efforts to publish it.
Probably the
publisher at that time informed the secret decision-making
centers that the work was dangerous for them. The appropriate
instructions meant that its distribution encountered obstacles
that were difficult for me to understand at the time.
It has been 10 years of painful experience for the nation and
for me.
When I analyze this
difficult process today, despite the appearance that we are
moving in the opposite direction, I come to believe that we are
approaching a time when our nation will accept both the true
knowledge of the past pathopolitical system and the need to
create a modern, efficient social and state system based on the
eternal laws of nature and on modern scientific knowledge.
However, time must
still pass. I will be gone, but the
logocracy will be.
In the meantime, however, this new system concept has become
partially outdated. Today the situation as seen from Poland
seems different, because new problems have arisen.
For this reason, now
that I am an old man, I have taken up the task of working out
the issue again in an even more mature form, enriching the
justification and updating the proposed solutions.
I tried to find help among scholars who could point out the
shortcomings of my work and offer advice.
Meanwhile, I have met
only with criticism because I have violated the dogma of
democracy, which states that the right to participate in
political activity is given to man by nature.
So I ask,
isn't the obvious
incompatibility of this dogma with psychological reality
sufficient proof of the unreality of democratic principles?
To this I received no
answer.
Therefore, the present work remained entirely my own work. So I
ask you, my readers, to forgive me for all the shortcomings
resulting from such solitude.
In spite of my
shortcomings, I hope that it will be helpful to people who will
one day undertake the task of creating a modern, efficient state
system for our future and as an example to others. 3
