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			by Richard NorthOctober 20, 
			2007
 from 
			EUReferendum Website
 
			  
			  
			  
			  
			 
			  
			  
				
				"The EU is not such a 
				sharp oppression as was Soviet Communism, but it is similar in 
				this respect - it tries wherever possible to avoid the 
				democratic judgment of the people it rules.    
				When that judgment 
				does come, therefore, it will be merciless." 
			So writes not a 
			swivel-eyed Euroskeptic "loon", but a respected member of the 
			English establishment, former editor of The Daily Telegraph, 
			none other than 
			
			Charles Moore.
 He is writing in the op-ed of his former newspaper, under the 
			banner, "Brussels 
			dictatorship will face day of reckoning," commenting on 
			how it comes to pass that a prime minister, who probably does not 
			agree with the treaty he has just approved, goes with the flow and 
			accepts it anyway.
 
 Addressing the question which so many of us have considered and 
			discussed endlessly, Moore writes:
 
				
				"Why does any Prime 
				Minister get himself into this situation?"  
			In normal circumstances, 
			political leaders will accept short-term unpopularity, but they will 
			not knowingly embark on a course of action that cannot bring them 
			popularity in the end.  
			  
			Yet it is more than 20 
			years since any British politician had a win out of Europe.
 He then posits that 
			
			Brown is in this situation 
			because of something that is extremely hard for us, the public, to 
			understand:
 
				
				It is that the 
				European process is, for its participants, almost compulsory.
				   
				Europe is a 
				bureaucracy. Just as a public company must always seek a better 
				return for shareholders, so a bureaucracy must seek more power 
				for its employees.
 When a politician takes over the leadership of his country, he 
				is told that he must join the process.
   
				The round of endless 
				negotiation, small disagreements (this time there was fierce 
				argument about whether the Italians should be allowed one more 
				MEP), new institutional powers, treaty, vin d'honneur is 
				absolutely set.
 Any mere elected person who seriously tries to disturb it will 
				have the whole official and diplomatic class against him, not 
				only in his own country, but in 26 others.
   
				It requires someone 
				of quite exceptional courage and tenacity to try to resist this 
				- and even she failed.   
				Mr Brown will not 
				bother. 
			Moore may have a point 
			here.  
			  
			Within the "bubble", it 
			is very hard for a politician to see things clearly and, under the 
			pressure of modern politics, it is also very hard to get the time to 
			think. He will be sucked into whirlpool and dragged down by it, 
			simply because it is a powerful, elemental force and there is no 
			countervailing force to keep him from it.
 But, if Brown is in his own "bubble", so indeed are the majority of 
			MPs in their own - as indeed is the claque of political journalists 
			which feed off them.
 
			  
			And while Moore writes of 
			things which are extremely hard for us, the public, to understand, 
			one of the most formidable of those is the depth of pure ignorance 
			that handicaps most MPs.
 Because they have managed to get themselves selected and elected 
			does not mean that MPs know anything of EU politics and the process 
			of political integration. By and large, they do not and, the further 
			up the ladder they go, the less likely they are to understand 
			anything.
 
			  
			Thus, you are dealing 
			with a group of men and women who are profoundly ignorant of the 
			events that are occurring around them.
 Against this background, we see a change in strategy in The 
			Telegraph which, in its own leader, announces a shift in the 
			focus of its campaign. In addition to asking its readers to petition 
			directly for a referendum, it is now enjoining them to write to 
			their MPs, asking that they keep their promises made at the last 
			election, to give us a referendum.
 
 Well-founded, obvious and well-intentioned, this strategy is also 
			bound to fail.
 
			  
			As much as the paper may 
			make some good points (and some bad), those MPs who can be bothered 
			to engage in the issue (not many), might easily content themselves 
			with the leader in The Guardian, which offers a contrary 
			view.
 It writes of Gordon Brown coming under "venomous attack" for 
			accepting the new European treaty, criticizing The Sun for 
			painting him as attending,
 
				
				"a sordid last supper 
				for Britain as an independent sovereign state".  
			This is "hysterical 
			language", says The Guardian, even from a newspaper with a 
			history of exaggerating the implications of European Union 
			membership.
 In rejecting the calls for a referendum, the leader goes on to note 
			that:
 
				
				The strange thing is 
				that such calls for a popular vote come from groups that also 
				claim to be the greatest defenders of Westminster's sovereignty.
				   
				This makes no sense.
				   
				One might think that 
				supporters of the supremacy of the House of Commons would be 
				keen for it to take the final decision on the matter, as 
				constitutional precedent shows it should.    
				So why are they 
				looking for another route? The reason is obvious.    
				Westminster contains 
				a majority of MPs who will back the new treaty - just as they 
				backed entry to Europe in 1973, the
				
				Single European Act and then
				
				Maastricht later on.
 This unhappy reality leaves opponents of the treaty promising to 
				save parliament from the consequences of its own folly by 
				ignoring its view.
   
				But if its members 
				are so unwise and unrepresentative of their country on this 
				important matter, should they be trusted to take decisions on 
				any other?
 Is it right that a parliament that cannot be relied upon to 
				examine a treaty adjusting the operation of an international 
				organization of which Britain has long been a member should take 
				the final decision on momentous issues such as war, or major 
				domestic questions, such as identity cards?
   
				There is certainly 
				much wrong with the way parliament works and the way that it is 
				elected. That is why it needs reform.    
				A referendum, which 
				will diminish representative democracy, is no way to achieve it. 
			Where, of course, this 
			paper goes utterly wrong is in defining Parliamentary sovereignty as 
			unfettered license.  
			  
			For sure, Parliament is 
			sovereign in its own House, (once) having absolute mastery of its 
			own rules and procedures. But the ultimate sovereignty belongs to 
			the people.  
			  
			The Guardian would 
			have it that Parliament is free to give away something which is not 
			its to give. It has no license or mandate so to do.
 However, such niceties will not trouble the MPs who do not wish to 
			hear the calls of the people (those few who care enough to follow 
			the Telegraph's injunction). But, most of all - as
			
			we observed earlier - this is now a 
			tribal issue. The Conservatives have made it so.
 
			  
			Thus, whatever 
			reservations any rank and file Labour MPs have, with but a few (very 
			few) brave exceptions, they will rally to the colors when the whips 
			come calling.
 The pity is that, although it is rightly theirs, few people are 
			really aware of what is at stake.
 
			  
			I venture that is you go 
			out into the streets today and stop 100 people and ask them what 
			"great event" happened over the last two days, not one in those 
			hundred will be able to tell you. For the MPs - and the "colleagues" 
			- therefore, stealing their sovereignty is as easy as taking candy 
			from a baby.
 That notwithstanding, people eventually do notice. In many ways, 
			they already have… that it really does not matter who you elect, the 
			outcome is always the same - and that means you usually get shafted.
 
			  
			At the moment we tolerate 
			it, but this will not always be so.
 Moore thus, in writing about "merciless" judgment, is doing nothing 
			more than articulating the lessons of history - that when people are 
			disfranchised and can no longer affect the way they are governed, 
			eventually, they will rebel.
 
 First, though, has to come the realization that our government - of 
			which Mr Brown is a member - is no longer in Westminster, but 
			Brussels and that, behind the smiling faces and soothing words, it 
			is our enemy.
 
			  
			Then, if history is any 
			guide, we will have to kill them...
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