is a long-recognized keystone among researchers pointing to
the Agency's clear interest in and relationship to major US
MOCKINGBIRD grew out of the CIA's forerunner,
the Office for Strategic Services (OSS, 1942-47), which
during World War Two had established a network of
journalists and psychological warfare experts operating
primarily in the European theatre.
Many of the relationships forged
under OSS auspices were carried over into the postwar era
through a State Department-run organization called the
Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) overseen by OSS staffer
The OPC "became the
fastest-growing unit within the nascent CIA," historian Lisa
Pease observes, "rising in personnel from 302 in 1949 to
2,812 in 1952, along with 3,142 overseas contract personnel.
In the same period, the budget rose from $4.7 million to $82
Lisa Pease, "The Media and the Assassination," in
James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, The Assassinations:
Probe Magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK and Malcolm X, Port
Townsend, WA, 2003, 300.
Like many career CIA officers,
eventual CIA Director/Director of Central Intelligence (DCI)
Richard Helms was recruited out of the press corps by his
own supervisor at the United Press International's Berlin
Bureau to join in the OSS's fledgling "black propaganda"
"'[Y]ou're a natural," Helms' boss remarked.
Richard Helms, A Look Over My Shoulder: A Life in the
Central Intelligence Agency, New York: Random House,
Wisner tapped Marshall Plan
funds to pay for his division's early exploits, money his
branch referred to as "candy."
"We couldn't spend it all,"
CIA agent Gilbert Greenway recalls. "I remember once meeting
with Wisner and the comptroller. My God, I said, how can we
spend that? There were no limits, and nobody had to account
for it. It was amazing."
Frances Stonor Saunders, The
Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters,
New York: The New Press, 2000, 105.
When the OPC was merged with the Office of Special
Operations in 1948 to create the CIA, OPC's media assets
were likewise absorbed.
Wisner maintained the top secret "Propaganda Assets
Inventory," better known as "Wisner's Wurlitzer" - a virtual
rolodex of over 800 news and information entities prepared
to play whatever tune Wisner chose.
"The network included
journalists, columnists, book publishers, editors, entire
organizations such as Radio Free Europe, and stringers
across multiple news organizations."
Pease, "The Media and
the Assassination," 300.
A few years after Wisner's operation was
up-and-running he "'owned' respected members of the New
York Times, Newsweek, CBS, and other
communication vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred
in all, according to a CIA analyst.
Each one was a separate
'operation,'" investigative journalist Deborah Davis notes,
"requiring a code name, a field supervisor, and a field
office, at an annual cost of tens or hundreds of thousands
of dollars - there has never been an accurate accounting."
Davis, Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the
Washington Post, Second Edition, Bethesda MD: National Press
Inc, 1987, 139.
Psychological operations in the
form of journalism were perceived as necessary to influence
and direct mass opinion, as well as elite perspectives.
"[T]he President of the United States, the Secretary of
State, Congressmen and even the Director of the CIA himself
will read, believe, and be impressed by a report from Cy
Sulzberger, Arnaud de Borchgrave, or Stewart Alsop when they
don't even bother to read a CIA report on the same subject,"
noted CIA agent Miles Copeland.
Cited in Pease, "The Media
and the Assassination," 301.
By the mid-to-late 1950s, Darrell Garwood points out, the
Agency sought to limit criticism directed against covert
activity and bypass congressional oversight or potential
judicial interference by "infiltrat[ing] the groves of
academia, the missionary corps, the editorial boards of
influential journal and book publishers, and any other
quarters where public attitudes could be effectively
Darrell Garwood, Under Cover: Thirty-Five
Years of CIA Deception, New York: Grove Press, 1985,
The CIA frequently intercedes in editorial decision-making.
For example, when the Agency proceeded to wage an overthrow
of the Arbenz regime in Guatemala in 1954, Allen and John
Foster Dulles, President Eisenhower's Secretary of State and
CIA Director respectively, called upon New York Times
publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger to reassign reporter Sydney
Gruson from Guatemala to Mexico City.
Sulzberger thus placed Gruson in Mexico City with the rationale that some
repercussions from the revolution might be felt in Mexico.
Pease, "The Media and the Assassination," 302.
Since the early 1950s the CIA "has secretly bankrolled
numerous foreign press services, periodicals and
newspapers - both English and foreign language - which provided
excellent cover for CIA operatives," Carl Bernstein reported
"One such publication was the Rome Daily American,
forty percent of which was owned by the CIA until the
Carl Bernstein, "The
CIA and the Media," Rolling Stone, October 20,
The CIA exercised informal
liaisons with news media executives, in contrast to its
relationships with salaried reporters and stringers, "who
were much more subject to direction from the Agency"
according to Bernstein.
"A few executives - Arthur Hays
Sulzberger of the New York Times among them -
signed secrecy agreements. But such formal understandings
were rare: relationships between Agency officials and media
executives were usually social - 'The P and Q Street axis in
Georgetown,' said one source. 'You don't tell William Paley
to sign a piece of paper saying he won't fink.'"
CBS William Paley's personal "friendship with CIA Director
Dulles is now known to have been one of the most influential
and significant in the communications industry," author
Debora Davis explains.
"He provided cover for CIA agents,
supplied out-takes of news film, permitted the debriefing of
reporters, and in many ways set the standard for the
cooperation between the CIA and major broadcast companies
which lasted until the mid-1970s."
Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the Washington
Post, Second Edition, Bethesda MD: National Press Inc,
"The Agency's relationship with
the Times was by far its most valuable among
newspapers, according to CIA officials," Bernstein points
out in his key 1977 article.
"From 1950 to 1966, about ten
CIA employees were provided Times cover under
arrangements approved by the newspaper's late publisher,
Arthur Hays Sulzberger. The cover arrangements were part of
a general Times policy - set by Sulzberger - to provide
assistance to the CIA whenever possible."
addition, Sulzberger was a close friend of CIA Director
"'At that level of contact it
was the mighty talking to the mighty,' said a high‑level CIA
official who was present at some of the discussions. 'There
was an agreement in principle that, yes indeed, we would
help each other. The question of cover came up on several
occasions. It was agreed that the actual arrangements would
be handled by subordinates... The mighty didn't want to know the
specifics; they wanted plausible deniability.'"
CIA and the Media."
CBS's Paley worked reciprocally
with the CIA, allowing the Agency to utilize network
resources and personnel.
"It was a form of assistance that a
number of wealthy persons are now generally known to have
rendered the CIA through their private interests," veteran
broadcast journalist Daniel Schorr wrote in 1977. "It
suggested to me, however, that a relationship of confidence
and trust had existed between him and the agency."
points to "clues indicating that CBS had been infiltrated."
For example, "A news editor remembered the CIA officer who
used to come to the radio control room in New York in the
early morning, and, with the permission of persons unknown,
listened to CBS correspondents around the world recording
their 'spots' for the 'World News Roundup' and discussing
events with the editor on duty.
Sam Jaffe claimed that when
he applied in 1955 for a job with CBS, a CIA officer told
him that he would be hired - which he subsequently was.
told that he would be sent to Moscow - which he subsequently
was; he was assigned in 1960 to cover the trial of U-2 pilot
Francis Gary Powers. [Richard] Salant told me," Schorr
continues, "that when he first became president of CBS News
in 1961, a CIA case officer called saying he wanted to
continue the 'long standing relationship known to Paley and
[CBS president Frank] Stanton, but Salant was told by
Stanton there was no obligation that he knew of" (276).
Daniel. Clearing the Air, Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1977, 277, 276.
publisher Gene Pope Jr. worked briefly on the CIA's Italy
desk in the early 1950s and maintained close ties with the
Pope refrained from publishing dozens of
stories with "details of CIA kidnappings and murders, enough
stuff for a year's worth of headlines" in order to "collect
chits, IOUs," Pope's son writes.
"He figured he'd never know
when he might need them, and those IOUs would come in handy
when he got to 20 million circulation. When that happened,
he'd have the voice to be almost his own branch of
government and would need the cover."
Paul David Pope,
The Deeds of My Fathers: How My Grandfather and Father Built
New York and Created the Tabloid World of Today, New
York: Phillip Turner/Rowman & Littlefield, 2010, 309, 310.
One explosive story Pope's
National Enquirer's refrained from publishing in the
late 1970s centered on excerpts from a long-sought after
diary of President Kennedy's lover, Mary Pinchot Meyer, who
was murdered on October 12, 1964.
"The reporters who wrote
the story were even able to place James Jesus Angleton, the
CIA's head of counterintelligence operations, at the scene."
Another potential story drew on "documents proving that
[Howard] Hughes and the CIA had been connected for years and
that the CIA was giving Hughes money to secretly fund, with
campaign donations, twenty-seven congressmen and senators
who sat on sub-committees critical to the agency.
also fifty-three international companies named and sourced
as CIA fronts... and even a list of reporters for mainstream
media organizations who were playing ball with the
Pope, The Deeds of My Fathers, 309.
Angleton, who oversaw the Agency counterintelligence branch
for 25 years, "ran a completely independent group entirely
separate cadre of journalist‑operatives who performed
sensitive and frequently dangerous assignments; little is
known about this group for the simple reason that Angleton
deliberately kept only the vaguest of files."
CIA and the Media."
The CIA conducted a "formal training program" during the
1950s for the sole purpose of instructing its agents to
function as newsmen.
"Intelligence officers were 'taught to
make noises like reporters,' explained a high CIA official,
and were then placed in major news organizations with help
from management. These were the guys who went through the
ranks and were told 'You're going to he a journalist,'" the
CIA official said."
The Agency's preference, however, was to
engage journalists who were already established in the
CIA and the Media."
Newspaper columnists and broadcast journalists with
household names have been known to maintain close ties with
"There are perhaps a dozen well known columnists
and broadcast commentators whose relationships with the CIA
go far beyond those normally maintained between reporters
and their sources," Bernstein maintains.
"They are referred
to at the Agency as 'known assets' and can be counted on to
perform a variety of undercover tasks; they are considered
receptive to the Agency's point of view on various
CIA and the Media."
Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, and Washington Post
publisher Phillip Graham were close associates, and the
Post developed into one of the most influential news
organs in the United States due to its ties with the CIA.
The Post managers' "individual relations with
intelligence had in fact been the reason the Post Company
had grown as fast as it did after the war," Davis (172)
"[T]heir secrets were its corporate secrets,
beginning with MOCKINGBIRD. Phillip Graham's commitment to
intelligence had given his friends Frank Wisner an interest
in helping to make the Washington Post the dominant
news vehicle in Washington, which they had done by assisting
with its two most crucial acquisitions, the Times-Herald
and WTOP radio and television stations."
Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the
Washington Post, 172.
In the wake of World War One the Woodrow Wilson
administration placed journalist and author Walter Lippmann
in charge of recruiting agents for the Inquiry, a
first-of-its-kind ultra-secret civilian intelligence
organization whose role involved ascertaining information to
prepare Wilson for the peace negotiations, as well as
identify foreign natural resources for Wall Street
speculators and oil companies.
The activities of this
organization served as a prototype for the function
eventually performed by the CIA, namely "planning,
collecting, digesting, and editing the raw data," notes
historian Servando Gonzalez.
"This roughly corresponds to
the CIA's intelligence cycle: planning and direction,
collection, processing, production and analysis, and
Most Inquiry members would later become
members of the Council on Foreign Relations. Lippmann would
go on to become the Washington Post's best known
Servando Gonzalez, Psychological Warfare and
the New World Order: The Secret War Against the American
People, Oakland, CA: Spooks Books, 2010, 50.
The two most prominent US newsweeklies, Time and
Newsweek, kept close ties with the CIA.
files contain written agreements with former foreign
correspondents and stringers for both the weekly
newsmagazines," according to Carl Bernstein.
often interceded with his good friend, the late Henry Luce,
founder of Time and Life magazines, who readily allowed
certain members of his staff to work for the Agency and
agreed to provide jobs and credentials for other CIA
operatives who lacked journalistic experience."
CIA and the Media."
In his autobiography former CIA
officer E. Howard Hunt quotes Bernstein's "The CIA and the
Media" article at length.
"I know nothing to contradict this
report," Hunt declares, suggesting the investigative
journalist of Watergate fame didn't go far enough.
"Bernstein further identified some of the country's top
media executives as being valuable assets to the agency...
But the list of organizations that cooperated with the
agency was a veritable 'Who's Who' of the media industry,
including ABC, NBC, the Associated Press, UPI, Reuters,
Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Newsweek
magazine, and others."
E. Howard Hunt, American Spy: My
Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond,
Hoboken NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2007, 150.
When the first major exposé of the CIA
emerged in 1964 with the publication of The Invisible
Government by journalists David Wise and Thomas B.
Ross, the CIA considered purchasing the entire printing to
keep the book from the public, yet in the end judged against
"To an extent that is only beginning to be perceived,
this shadow government is shaping the lives of 190,000,000
Americans" authors Wise and Ross write in the book's
"Major decisions involving peace and war are
taking place out of public view. An informed citizen might
come to suspect that the foreign policy of the United States
often works publicly in one direction and secretly through
the Invisible Government in just the opposite direction."
the CIA's Empire Struck Back," Consortiumnews.com,
February 6, 2014.
Agency infiltration of the news media shaped public
perception of deep events and undergirded the official
explanations of such events.
For example, the Warren
Commission's report on President John F. Kennedy's
assassination was met with almost unanimous approval by US
"I have never seen an official report greeted
with such universal praise as that accorded the Warren
Commission's findings when they were made public on
September 24, 1964," recalls investigative reporter Fred
"All the major television networks devoted special
programs and analyses to the report; the next day the
newspapers ran long columns detailing its findings,
accompanied by special news analyses and editorials. The
verdict was unanimous. The report answered all questions,
left no room for doubt. Lee Harvey Oswald, alone and
unaided, had assassinated the president of the United
Fred J. Cook, Maverick: Fifty Years of
Investigative Reporting, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1984, 276.
In late 1966 the New York
Times began an inquiry on the numerous questions
surrounding President Kennedy's assassination that were not
satisfactorily dealt with by the Warren Commission.
never completed," author Jerry Policoff observes, "nor would
the New York Times ever again question the findings
of the Warren Commission."
When the story was being
developed the lead reporter at the Times' Houston
bureau "said that he and others came up with 'a lot of
unanswered questions' that the Times didn't bother
to pursue. 'I'd be off on a good lead and then somebody'd
call me off and send me out to California on another story
or something. We never really detached anyone for this. We
weren't really serious.'"
Jerry Policoff, "The Media and the
Murder of John Kennedy," in Peter Dale Scott, Paul L. Hoch
and Russell Stetler, eds., The Assassinations: Dallas
and Beyond, New York: Vintage, 1976, 265.
When New Orleans District
Attorney Jim Garrison embarked on an investigation of the
JFK assassination in 1966 centering on Lee Harvey Oswald's
presence in New Orleans in the months leading up to
November, 22, 1963, "he was cross-whipped with two hurricane
blasts, one from Washington and one from New York,"
historian James DiEugenio explains.
"The first, of course,
was from the government, specifically the Central
Intelligence Agency, the FBI, and to a lesser extent, the
White House. The blast from New York was from the major
mainstream media e.g. Time-Life and NBC.
communication giants were instrumental in making Garrison
into a lightening rod for ridicule and criticism. This
orchestrated campaign... was successful in diverting
attention from what Garrison was uncovering by creating
controversy about the DA himself."
in William Davy, Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the
Jim Garrison Investigation, Reston VA: Jordan
The CIA and other US intelligence agencies used the news
media to sabotage Garrison's 1966-69 independent
investigation of the Kennedy assassination.
presided over the only law enforcement agency with subpoena
power to seriously delve into the intricate details
surrounding JFK's murder. One of Garrison's key witnesses,
Gordon Novel, fled New Orleans to avoid testifying before
the Grand Jury assembled by Garrison.
According to DiEugenio,
CIA Director Allen "Dulles and the Agency would begin to
connect the fugitive from New Orleans with over a dozen CIA
friendly journalists who - in a blatant attempt to destroy
Garrison's reputation - would proceed to write up the most
outrageous stories imaginable about the DA."
Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and The Garrison Case,
Second Edition, New York: SkyHorse Publishing, 2012, 235.
CIA officer Victor Marchetti
recounted to author William Davy that in 1967 while
attending staff meetings as an assistant to then-CIA
Director Richard Helms, "Helms expressed great concerns over
[former OSS officer, CIA operative and primary suspect in
Jim Garrison's investigation Clay] Shaw's predicament,
asking his staff, 'Are we giving them all the help we can
William Davy, Let Justice Be Done: New
Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation, Reston VA:
Jordan Publishing, 1999.
The pejorative dimensions of the
term "conspiracy theory" were introduced into the Western
lexicon by CIA "media assets," as evidenced in the design
laid out by Document
1035-960 Concerning Criticism of the Warren Report, an
Agency communiqué issued in early 1967 to Agency bureaus
throughout the world at a time when attorney Mark Lane's
Rush to Judgment was atop bestseller lists and New
Orleans DA Garrison's investigation of the Kennedy
assassination began to gain traction.
close relations with the CIA stemming from the friendship of
the magazine's publisher Henry Luce and Eisenhower CIA chief
When former newsman Richard Helms was
appointed DCI in 1966 he "began to cultivate the press,"
prompting journalists toward conclusions that placed the
Agency in a positive light.
As Time Washington
correspondent Hugh Sidney recollects, "'[w]ith [John] McCone
and [Richard] Helms, we had a set-up when the magazine was
doing something on the CIA, we went to them and put it
before them... We were never misled.' Similarly, when
Newsweek decided in the fall of 1971 to do a cover story on
Richard Helms and 'The New Espionage,' the magazine,
according to a Newsweek staffer, went directly to the agency
for much of the information.
And the article... generally
reflected the line that Helms was trying so hard to sell:
that since the latter 1960s... the focus of attention and
prestige within CIA' had switched from the Clandestine
Services to the analysis of intelligence, and that 'the vast
majority of recruits are bound for' the Intelligence
Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, The
CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1974, 362-363.
In 1970 Jim Garrison wrote and
published the semi-autobiographical A Heritage of Stone,
a work that examines how the New Orleans DA "discovered that
the CIA operated within the borders of the United States,
and how it took the CIA six months to reply to the Warren
Commission's question of whether Oswald and [Jack] Ruby had
been with the Agency," Garrison biographer and Temple
University humanities professor Joan Mellen observes.
response to A Heritage of Stone, the CIA rounded up
its media assets" and the book was panned by reviewers
writing for the New York Times, the Los Angeles
Times, the Washington Post, the Chicago
Sun Times, and Life magazine. "John Leonard's
New York Times review went through a
metamorphosis," Mellen explains.
"The original last
paragraph challenged the Warren Report: 'Something stinks
about this whole affair,' Leonard wrote. 'Why were Kennedy's
neck organs not examined at Bethesda for evidence of a
frontal shot? Why was his body whisked away to Washington
before the legally required Texas inquest? Why?'
paragraph evaporated in later editions of the Times.
A third of a column gone, the review then ended: 'Frankly I
prefer to believe that the Warren Commission did a poor job,
rather than a dishonest one. I like to think that Garrison
invents monsters to explain incompetence.'"
A Farewell to Justice: Jim Garrison, JFK's Assassination,
and the Case That Should Have Changed History,
Washington DC: Potomac Books, 2005, 323, 324.
CIA Deputy Director for Plans
Cord Meyer Jr. appealed to Harper & Row president emeritus
Cass Canfield Sr. over the book publisher's pending release
of Alfred McCoy's The Politics of Heroin in Southeast
Asia, based on the author's fieldwork and Yale PhD
dissertation wherein he examined the CIA's explicit role in
the opium trade.
"Claiming my book was a threat to national
security," McCoy recalls, "the CIA official had asked Harper
& Row to suppress it. To his credit, Mr. Canfield had
refused. But he had agreed to review the manuscript prior to
Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin:
CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade, Chicago Review
Press, 2003, xx.
Publication of The Secret
Team, a book by US Air Force Colonel and Pentagon-CIA
liaison L. Fletcher Prouty recounting the author's firsthand
knowledge of CIA black operations and espionage, was met
with a wide scale censorship campaign in 1972.
to kill the book was nationwide and world-wide," Prouty
"It was removed from the Library of Congress and from
college libraries as letters I received attested all too
frequently ... I was a writer whose book had been cancelled by
a major publisher [Prentice Hall] and a major paperback
publisher [Ballantine Books] under the persuasive hand of
L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team: The CIA
and Its Allies in Control of the United States and the World,
New York: SkyHorse Publishing, 2008, xii, xv.
During the Pike Committee
hearings in 1975 Congressman Otis Pike asked DCI William
Colby, "Do you have any people paid by the CIA who are
working for television networks?"
Colby responded, "This, I
think, gets into the kind of details, Mr. Chairman, that I'd
like to get into in executive session."
Once the chamber was
cleared Colby admitted that in 1975 specifically "the CIA
was using 'media cover' for eleven agents, many fewer than
in the heyday of the cloak-and-pencil operations, but no
amount of questioning would persuade him to talk about the
publishers and network chieftains who had cooperated at the
Schorr, Clearing the Air, 275.
"There is quite an incredible
spread of relationships," former CIA intelligence officer
William Bader informed a US Senate Intelligence Committee
investigating the CIA's infiltration of the nation's
"You don't need to manipulate Time
magazine, for example, because there are Agency people at
the management level."
CIA and the Media."
In 1985 film historian and
professor Joseph McBride came across a November 29, 1963
memorandum from J. Edgar Hoover, titled, "Assassination of
President John F. Kennedy," wherein the FBI director stated
that his agency provided two individuals with briefings, one
of whom was "Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
"When McBride queried the CIA with the memo a "PR
man was tersely formal and opaque: 'I can neither confirm
nor deny.' It was the standard response the agency gave when
it dealt with its sources and methods," journalist Russ
When McBride published a story in The Nation, "The Man Who Wasn't There,
'George Bush,' C.I.A. Operative,"
the CIA came forward with a statement that the George Bush
referenced in the FBI record "apparently" referenced a
George William Bush, who filled a perfunctory night
shift position at CIA headquarters that "would have been the
appropriate place to receive such a report."
down George William Bush to confirm he was only employed
briefly as a "probationary civil servant" who had "never
received interagency briefings."
Shortly thereafter The
Nation ran a second story by McBride wherein "the
author provided evidence that the Central Intelligence
Agency had foisted a lie on the American people... As with
McBride's previous story, this disclosure was greeted with
the equivalent of a collective media yawn."
episode researchers have found documents linking George H.
W. Bush to the CIA as early as 1953.
Russ Baker, Family
of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America's Invisible
Government, and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years,
New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009, 7-12.
Operation Gladio, the
well-documented collaboration between Western spy agencies,
including the CIA, and NATO involving coordinated terrorist
shootings and bombings of civilian targets throughout Europe
from the late 1960s through the 1980s, has been effectively
expunged from major mainstream news outlets.
Academic search conducted in 2012 for "Operation Gladio"
retrieved 31 articles in English language news media - most
appearing in British newspapers.
Only four articles
discussing Gladio ever appeared in US publications - three in
the New York Times and one brief mention in the
Tampa Bay Times.
With the exception of a 2009 BBC
documentary, no network or cable news broadcast has ever
referenced the state-sponsored terror operation. Almost all
of the articles referencing Gladio appeared in 1990 when
Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti publicly admitted
Italy's participation in the process.
The New York Times
downplayed any US involvement, misleadingly designating
Gladio "an Italian creation" in a story buried on page A16.
In reality, former CIA director William Colby revealed in
his memoirs that covert paramilitaries were a significant
agency undertaking set up after World War II, including "the
smallest possible coterie of the most reliable people, in
Washington [and] NATO."
James F. Tracy, "False
Flag Terror and Conspiracies of Silence," Global
Research, August 10, 2012.
Days before the April 19, 1995
bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma
City DCI William Colby confided to his friend, Nebraska
State Senator John DeCamp his personal concerns over the
Militia and Patriot movement within the United States, then
surging in popularity due to the use of the alternative
media of that era - books, periodicals, cassette tapes, and
"I watched as the Anti-War movement
rendered it impossible for this country to conduct or win
the Vietnam War," Colby remarked. "I tell you, dear friend,
that the Militia and Patriot movement in which, as an
attorney, you have become one of the centerpieces, is far
more significant and far more dangerous for American than
the Anti-War movement ever was, if it is not intelligently
dealt with. And I really mean this."
David Hoffman, The
Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror,
Venice CA: Feral House, 1998, 367.
Shortly after the appearance of journalist
Gary Webb's "Dark Alliance" series in the San Jose
Mercury News chronicling the Agency's involvement in
drug trafficking, the CIA's public affairs division embarked
on a campaign to counter what it termed "a genuine public
relations crisis for the Agency."
Webb was merely reporting
to a large audience what had already been well documented by
scholars such as Alfred McCoy and Peter Dale Scott, and the
1989 Kerry Committee Report on Iran-Contra - that the CIA had
long been involved in the illegal transnational drug trade.
Such findings were upheld in 1999 in a study by the CIA
Nevertheless, beginning shortly after
Webb's series ran, "CIA media spokesmen would remind
reporters seeking comment that this series represented no
real news," a CIA internal organ noted, "in that similar
charges were made in the 1980s and were investigated by the
Congress and were found to be without substance.
were encouraged to read the "Dark Alliance' series closely
and with a critical eye to what allegations could actually
be backed with evidence." http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/DOC_0001372115.pdf
On December 10, 2004 investigative journalist
Gary Webb died of two .38 caliber gunshot wounds to the
The coroner ruled the death a suicide. "Gary Webb was
MURDERED," concluded FBI senior special agent Ted Gunderson
in 2005. "He (Webb) resisted the first shot [to the head
that exited via jaw] so he was shot again with the second
shot going into the head [brain]."
Gunderson regards the
theory that Webb could have managed to shoot himself twice
Webb: More Pieces in the Suicided Puzzle," Rense.com,
December 11, 2005.
The most revered journalists who receive
"exclusive" information and access to the corridors of power
are typically the most subservient to officialdom and often
have intelligence ties.
Those granted such access understand
that they must likewise uphold government-sanctioned
narratives. For example, the New York Times' Tom
Wicker reported on November 22, 1963 that President John F.
Kennedy "was hit by a bullet in the throat, just below the
Yet his account went to press before the
official story of a single assassin shooting from the rear
became established. Wicker was chastised through "lost
access, complaints to editors and publishers, social
penalties, leaks to competitors, a variety of responses no
Towers of Deception: The Media Coverup of 9/11,
Gabrioloa Island, BC: New Society Publishers, 2006, 169-170.
The CIA actively promotes a desirable public
image of its history and function by advising the production
of Hollywood vehicles, such as Argo and Zero
The Agency retains "entertainment industry
liaison officers" on its staff that "plant positive images
about itself (in other words, propaganda) through our most
popular forms of entertainment," Tom Hayden explains in the
LA Review of Books.
"So natural has the CIA - entertainment
connection become that few question its legal or moral
ramifications. This is a government agency like no other;
the truth of its operations is not subject to public
examination. When the CIA's hidden persuaders influence a
Hollywood movie, it is using a popular medium to spin as
favorable an image of itself as possible, or at least,
prevent an unfavorable one from taking hold."
of The CIA in Hollywood: How the Agency Shapes Film and
Television by Tricia Jenkins," LA Review of Books,
February 24, 2013,
Former CIA case officer Robert David Steele
states that CIA manipulation of news media is "worse" in the
2010s than in the late 1970s when Bernstein wrote "The CIA
and the Media."
"The sad thing is that the CIA is very able
to manipulate [the media] and it has financial arrangements
with media, with Congress, with all others. But the other
half of that coin is that the media is lazy."
Tracy interview with Robert David Steele, August 2,
A well-known fact is that broadcast journalist Anderson
Cooper interned for the CIA while attending Yale as an
undergraduate in the late 1980s.
According to Wikipedia
Cooper's great uncle, William Henry Vanderbilt III, was an
Executive Officer of the Special Operations Branch of the
OSS under the spy organization's founder William "Wild Bill"
While Wikipedia is an often dubious source,
Vanderbilt's OSS involvement would be in keeping with the
OSS/CIA reputation of taking on highly affluent personnel
for overseas derring-do.
Henry Vanderbilt III, Wikipedia.
Veteran German journalist Udo
Ulfkotte, author of the 2014 book Gekaufte Journalisten
(Bought Journalists) revealed how under the threat of job
termination he was routinely compelled to publish articles
written by intelligence agents using his byline.
"I ended up
publishing articles under my own name written by agents of
the CIA and other intelligence services, especially the
German secret service," Ulfkotte explained in a recent
interview with Russia Today.
Journo: European Media Writing Pro-US Stories Under CIA
Pressure," RT, October 18, 2014.
In 1999 the CIA established
In-Q-Tel, a venture capital firm seeking to "identify and
invest in companies developing cutting-edge information
technologies that serve United States national security
The firm has exercised financial relationships
with internet platforms Americans use on a routine basis,
including Google and Facebook.
"If you want to keep up with
Silicon Valley, you need to become part of Silicon Valley,"
says Jim Rickards, an adviser to the U.S. intelligence
community familiar with In-Q-Tel's activities.
"The best way
to do that is have a budget because when you have a
checkbook, everyone comes to you." At one point IQT "catered
largely to the needs of the CIA."
Today, however, "the firm
supports many of the 17 agencies within the U.S.
intelligence community, including the National
Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA), the Defense
Intelligence Agency (DIA) and the Department of Homeland
Security Science and Technology Directorate."
Matt Egan, "In-Q-Tel:
A Glimpse Inside the CIA's Venture Capital Arm," FoxBusiness.com, June 14, 2013.
At a 2012 conference held by
In-Q-Tel CIA Director David Patraeus declared that the
rapidly-developing "internet of things" and "smart home"
will provide the CIA with the ability to spy on any US
citizen should they become a "person of interest' to the spy
community," Wired magazine
"'Transformational' is an overused word, but I
do believe it properly applies to these technologies,' Patraeus
enthused, 'particularly to their effect on clandestine
tradecraft'... 'Items of interest will be located, identified,
monitored, and remotely controlled through technologies such
as radio-frequency identification, sensor networks, tiny
embedded servers, and energy harvesters - all
connected to the next-generation internet using abundant,
low-cost, and high-power computing," Patraeus said, "the
latter now going to cloud computing, in many areas greater
and greater supercomputing, and, ultimately, heading to
Spencer Ackerman, "CIA
Chief: We'll Spy on You Through Your Dishwasher,"
Wired, March 15, 2012.
In the summer of 2014 a $600
million computing cloud developed by Amazon Web Services for
the CIA began servicing all 17 federal agencies comprising
the intelligence community.
"If the technology plays out as
officials envision," The Atlantic reports, "it will
usher in a new era of cooperation and coordination, allowing
agencies to share information and services much more easily
and avoid the kind of intelligence gaps that preceded the
Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks."
Details About the CIA's Deal With Amazon," The
Atlantic, July 17, 2014.