The Compassion Con

One day I should like to understand how the U.N.’s highest representative in Ethiopia could be unable to see the murderous nature of these deportations, thereby lending a blessing to one of the world’s bloodiest and most tyrannical governments.1
• Dr. Rony Brauman,

director of Doctors Without Borders Reader’s Digest, October 1986


Ethiopia’s awful tragedy is but one reason a growing number of economists, from left to right, are beginning to realize that the World Bank and its “good intentions” have become the chief paving agent for the road to hell.... [T]he World Bank’s financing of major governmental agricultural restructuring and resettlement projects had been the main cause of the famine-deaths of millions, and of the denuding of the environment.
• Warren Brookes,

syndicated columnist, December 16, 1987

The World Bank is helping Third World governments cripple their economies, maul their environments, and oppress their people. Although the bank started with the highest ideals some 40 years ago, it now consistently does more harm than good for the world’s poorest.2
• James Bovard,

The World Bank vs. the World’s Poor, September 28, 1987

“The UN has its glaring faults,” many people readily acknowledge, “but it also is responsible for so many important humanitarian efforts around the world.” This vision of selfless UN servants distributing food to famine victims, providing emergency relief to refugees, and immunizing “Third World” children against killer diseases is a powerful image that has, no doubt, saved the United Nations from mass defections among its supporters. It is difficult to think ill of an organization involved in such noble endeavors. Unfortunately, this image too is largely a myth, one of the UN’s cruelest hoaxes as well as one of its most tightly guarded secrets.

This is not to say that no famine victims, refugees, or children have been helped through UN programs; indeed, many have. Many of these UN aid recipients, however, were actually placed in their dire predicaments by harmful actions and wrong-headed policies of the UN and its agencies. Moreover, in stark contrast to the portrait of saintly benevolence bestowed on UN relief programs, the record clearly shows that UN aid personnel, particularly at the higher levels, are guilty of some of the most crass, heartless, and unethical behavior imaginable.


The UN propagandists have cynically and persistently exploited the world’s compassion as a protective cover to advance their sinister global agenda. Before we venture any further down this dangerous path we would do well to examine the real results of the UN’s “humanitarian” programs.


Ethiopian “Relief”

In December 1985, the medical personnel of Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres) were expelled from Ethiopia. Dr. Rony Brauman, a French physician and director of the international, nonprofit, humanitarian group, described their experience:

Armed militiamen burst into our compounds, seized our equipment and menaced our volunteers. Some of our employees were beaten, and our trucks, medicines and food stores confiscated. We left Ethiopia branded as enemies of the revolution. The regime spoke the truth. The atrocities committed in the name of Mengistu’s master plan did make us enemies of the revolution.3 [Emphasis in original]

Unfortunately, it took a great deal more time before the governments and press of the Free World decided to declare themselves “enemies of the revolution.”

The major Western news media “discovered” the Ethiopian famine in October 1984. Then, for months, the haunting images of masses of starving refugees and vacant-eyed, dying children huddled in pathetic make-shift camps dominated the newspaper front-pages and nightly newscasts. Our hearts were touched, even devastated. How could they not be, in the face of such suffering and carnage? People responded worldwide with a phenomenal outpouring of financial and material aid.


What most of the people of the world did not find out until much later was that the tragic drama they had been witnessing was not the result of a natural drought; it was a planned famine, the result of conscious, inhuman policies of the communist regime of “President” Mengistu Haile Mariam. It was an extension of the communist textbook-style terror program Mengistu had unleashed on the populace in 1977. Copying the “successful” starvation campaigns employed by Lenin against the Russian peasants, Stalin against the Ukrainian kulaks, and Mao against the rural Chinese, the central government in Addis Ababa initiated forced “collectivization” of agriculture and began massive “resettlement” programs that guaranteed large-scale starvation.

The famine had already been in progress for several years and many tens of thousands had already perished when NBC’s broadcast of October 23, 1984 brought the shocking reality of Ethiopia’s anguish into American homes for the first time. But not until May 21, 1991, when the Soviet-backed Mengistu regime was overthrown, did it become politically acceptable in the CFR-Establishment media to denounce the brutal policies and expose the Marxist central planning responsible for the famine. By then, this “news” was too late to be of any help in speeding Mengistu’s removal or in averting the agony of his millions of hapless victims.

What most Americans — and most people of goodwill the world over who contributed generously to the famine relief effort — still have not been told, however, is that the United Nations and its specialized agencies bear an enormous share of the responsibility for promoting and prolonging the Ethiopian nightmare.
Soon after seizing power, Colonel Mengistu did what all Marxist dictators do: He asked for aid from America and the United Nations “lending” institutions — the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.


He was met with open arms and open wallets, courtesy of the taxpayers of the United States, Western Europe, and other reviled “capitalist” countries.

“Between 1978 and 1982,” Robert W. Lee reported in The New American for March 23, 1992, “Ethiopia received $1 billion in aid from the West, most of it channelled through the IMF and other multilateral lending agencies.”4

During this time, the aid officials could not have been unaware of Mengistu’s diabolical record. Did his well-documented atrocities and disastrous, openly-Marxist economic policies endanger his creditworthiness or raise eyebrows at the UN? To the contrary, these excesses made him a preferred customer with the World Bank/IMF pinstripes and a hero to an array of UN-backed petty tyrants throughout the Third World. On October 16, 1984, the UN’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee voted 83 to 3 to provide $73.5 million in UN funds to Ethiopia.


But these funds were not intended for the starving famine victims; the money was specified for improvements on the conference facilities of the UN’s Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in Addis Ababa! While entire Ethiopian villages and provinces were succumbing to unimaginable privation, the pampered and sanctimonius UN “humanitarians” were whining that the ECA facilities were “wholly inadequate” and “sorely” in need of upgrading. By a vote of 122 to 5, the UN General Assembly, “the conscience of the world,” backed the committee and approved the appropriation.

Richard Nygard, U.S. Representative to the UN, noted that the $73.5 million could have inoculated one million Ethiopian children, built 25,000 wells and pumps for 12.5 million people, and fed 125,000 Ethiopian families for a year with enough left over to supply all 1985 cereal imports for drought-stricken Chad.5 The $73.5 million for improving the conference facilities, however, was a pittance compared to the big-time sums Mengistu customarily obtained from the World Bank.


The World Bank, wrote author/researcher James Bovard in 1987, “helped to lay the groundwork for the Ethiopian government’s current murderous resettlement program.” In The World Bank vs. the World’s Poor, a scorching indictment of bank’s lending record, published by the Washington DC-based Cato Institute, Bovard noted that because of government policies, thousands of Ethiopians “are being kept in concentration-camp-type facilities, where death rates are reported to be quite high.”6 In 1986, human rights groups began to point to UN backing of the murderous regime.


The influential British Economist “cited Ethiopia for the worst human rights record in the world.” Yet, said Bovard, “Throughout this period, the bank has provided large amounts of aid to the Mengistu regime.”7 Other UN agencies and officials performed in the same criminally callous manner. Perhaps one of the worst examples involves Edouard Saouma, Director General of the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) since the late 1960s. According to other FAO officials and the former commissioner of the Ethiopian Relief and Rehabilitation agency, Saouma held up emergency food aid for 20 days in 1984, at the height of the famine, because of a personal dislike for Tessema Negash, an Ethiopian FAO official.

Ethiopian Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner Dawit Wolde-Giorgis has described his meeting in 1984 with the intractable Saouma:

I went [to FAO headquarters in Rome] and tried to brief [Saouma] on what was going on in Ethiopia.... He interrupted the discussion and told me that our representative was not a very likeable person ... that it would be very difficult for him to co-operate ... as long as we had Tessema Negash as our FAO representative.... There I was trying to brief a senior UN official about the impending disaster and the number of people dying every day and I was confronted with personal problems ... that was sickening.8

This was not the only indictment of UN official Saouma. Throughout the famine years, it is charged, Saouma also carried on a long-running battle with the Director of the UN World Food Program (WFP) over which of them had authority over food aid shipments.9 Was Mr. Saouma disciplined, reprimanded, or even investigated as a result of these serious charges? To the contrary, in 1987 he was given another six-year claim on his posh post, along with the usual automatic UN pay raise.

Occasionally, embarrassing publicity will result in a modicum of justice. As, for instance, in the case of UN High Commissioner for Refugees Jean-Pierre Hocke. Hocke, a Swiss citizen, resigned in October 1989 after a scandal erupted over his misuse of tens of thousands of dollars annually for personal expenses from a fund established to educate refugees.


According to the New York Times, Hocke misappropriated the money from ... a fund set up by Nordic countries for refugee education to pay for entertainment and firstclass air travel, sometimes aboard the Concorde, for himself and his wife.... Mr. Hocke spent between $32,000 and $96,000 a year from Denmark’s contribution on his entertainment and travel without informing the Danish government or asking its permission. Mr. Hocke has never denied this.10

Again and again, the UN’s pious platitudes and noble rhetoric prove to be cynical devices exploited by the organization’s professional plutocrats, who are too preoccupied with personal empire-building to be bothered with “the world’s poor” they claim to serve.

This point was driven home to Dr. Brauman time after time in Ethiopia. “Even the famous drought proved to be something of a false issue,” he learned. The physician recounted that his group had dispatched a hydrogeologist to the northern Sek’ot’a area, where “he discovered an enormous deposit of readily accessible underground water. At relatively low cost — only a small fraction of what was being raised for famine aid — there could have been water for everyone.”11

But UN officials and government officials weren’t interested. Neither were the UN officials interested in hearing about the atrocities and genocidal policies of their “host,” Colonel Mengistu. Brauman was outraged:

I was particularly shocked by the U.N.’s resident representative, an assistant secretarygeneral installed in Addis, who invariably dismissed our protests with a few condescending phrases. Even when I told him point-blank that the resettlement program which the West’s aid had made possible was killing more Ethiopians than the famine was, he answered, “I have no reason to believe that these people left the camps against their own free will.” One day I should like to understand how the U.N.’s highest representative in Ethiopia could be unable to see the murderous nature of these deportations, thereby lending a blessing to one of the world’s bloodiest and most tyrannical governments.12

Ethiopia is, however, far from being the only victim of the UN’s “compassion” and “largesse.” Through its myriad agencies and ever-multiplying programs the United Nations and its adjuncts have wreaked havoc world wide; few corners of the globe have escaped their “benevolence.” The World Bank, for instance, said Bovard in 1987, “is a major cause of the Tanzanian people’s current misery.”13 The bank underwrote the communist regime of former President Julius Nyerere, who implemented his ujamaa or villagization program to ... drive the peasants off their land, burn their huts, load them onto trucks, and take them where the government thought they should live.... with the result that hunger has increased in Tanzania....

The bank also helped finance the brutal policies of the Vietnamese government in the late 1970s that contributed to the deaths of tens of thousands of boat people in the South China Sea.14 After surveying the economic destructiveness of the World Bank’s policies in many countries, James Bovard concluded:
[T]he bank exists largely to maximize the transfer of resources to Third World governments. And by so doing, the bank has greatly promoted the nationalization of Third World economies and has increased political and bureaucratic control over the lives of the poorest of the poor.

Bank officials are now leading a rhetorical crusade in favor of the private sector. Yet every time the bank loudly praises the private sector, it silently damns its own record. More than any other international institution, the bank is responsible for the rush to socialism in the Third World — the rise of political power over the private sector — and the economic collapse of Africa.15


The Debt Profiteers

Likewise, the World Bank’s sister institution, the International Monetary Fund, has been subsidizing the global socialist revolution for decades. Columnist Doug Bandow pointed out in March 1992:

Six nations — Chile, Egypt, India, Sudan, Turkey and Yugoslavia — relied or have relied on I.M.F. aid for more than 30 years; 23 nations have been borrowers for 20 to 29 years. And 48 have been using fund credit for 10 to 19 years.

Since 1957 Egypt has never been off the I.M.F. dole. Yugoslavia, which got its first loan in 1949, was not a borrower in only three of the last 40 years. Bangladesh, Barbados, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Pakistan, Uganda, Zaire and Zambia started borrowing in the early 70’s and haven’t stopped.16 Like domestic welfare drones, once these parasites attach themselves to the taxpayers, they never let loose. With the admission in 1992 of virtually all of the “former communist” countries into both the IMF and World Bank, UN officials and their international welfare lobbyists launched a sustained campaign for massive new infusions of capital (to come primarily from U.S. taxpayers, of course) that they could lend to the tottering socialist regimes.


Bandow warned against succumbing to the IMF sirens:

[T]he West provided some $44 billion to Russia last year without obvious results. Moreover, once the I.M.F. begins lending to Moscow it will be under enormous pressure to maintain its lending, irrespective of Russia’s compliance with its conditions. And the fund’s record suggests that it is likely to give in to such pressure....

For years, foreign money has helped delay the day of reckoning for many economies. Today the borrowers are left with huge debts and low growth. They need economic reform, not more loans. Once reforms are in place, private credit and investment will follow naturally.... [I]ncreased lending, whether in the former Soviet Union or the third world, is only likely to waste more money.17 [Emphasis in original]

While these “development” and “restructuring” loans further impoverish the so-called Third World peoples under crushing debt payments, they enrich certain Insider bankers. U.S. Senator Jesse Helms exposed and denounced the shameful racket in 1987 in these words:

[I]t is no secret that the international bankers profiteer from sovereign state debt. The New York banks have found important profit centers in the lending to countries plunged into debt by Socialist regimes....


The New York banks find the profit from the interest on this sovereign debt to be critical to their balance sheets. Up until very recently, this has been an essentially riskless game for the banks because the IMF and the World Bank have stood ready to bail the banks out with our taxpayers’ money.18

To which banks was Senator Helms referring? That is not difficult to deduce; their loan sheets are filled with socialist client states, their boards of directors are filled with members of the Council on Foreign Relations and Trilateral Commission, and they are closely identified with the Rockefeller-Morgan banking interests. The CFR-Rockefeller-Morgan Establishment has had a monopoly hold on the World Bank presidency since the institution was created: Eugene Meyer (CFR), 1946; John J. McCloy (CFR), 1947-49; Eugene R. Black (CFR), 1949-62; George D. Woods, 1963-68; Robert S. McNamara (CFR), 1968-81; A. W. Clausen, 1981-86; Barber Conable (CFR), 1986-1991.


Lewis T. Preston (CFR), the current president of the World Bank, sports a career path typical of his predecessors. After joining J. P. Morgan in 1951, he rose to become chairman of the board and president of both J. P. Morgan & Co. and Morgan Guaranty.19 In 1991, he stepped down from those prestigious offices to take over the World Bank, where he now transfers money from taxpayers in both the rich and poor countries to his fellow bankers in the rich countries and the privileged dictators and plutocrats in the poor countries.

“Success,” then, as defined by the World Bank and other multilateral institutions, is measured by the amount of increase of their annual budgets, appropriations, and loans, rather than by an objective assessment of the performance of their projects. Thus, in 1987, World Bank President Barber Conable was able to boast: “The 1986_7 fiscal year, which ended on 30 June, was a success; our commitments represented $14.2 billion as against $13 billion in the previous year.”20 (Emphasis in original) At the same time, the Bank’s own Operations Evaluation Department was warning that “the drive to reach lending targets” is “potentially damaging” and is “a major cause of poor project performance.”21 In his important 1989 book, Lords of Poverty: The Power, Prestige, and Corruption of the International Aid Business, experienced African correspondent Graham Hancock reported:

It is thus probably not entirely coincidental that, out of a representative sample of 189 of its projects audited worldwide, no less than 106 — almost 60 per cent — were found in 1987 either to have “serious shortcomings” or to be “complete failures.” A similar proportion of these projects — including many judged in other senses to be “successes” — were thought unlikely to be sustainable after completion. Furthermore, it is in the poorest countries of the world, and amongst the poorest segments of the populations of these countries, that the Bank does worst. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, 75 per cent of all agricultural projects audited were found to have failed.22

Hancock catalogs numerous misguided projects of UN “aid” programs worldwide. Among the multitude of fiascos, he found:

[S]everal fish-farms in Egypt financed and managed by FAO during the 1980s have been unmitigated disasters: to date more than $50 million has been wasted. The farms owe their existence to a single FAO expert who made a very brief field visit and then proposed the establishment in the delta region “of deepwater ponds rearing several species of fish.” [Emphasis in original]

Proper field studies would have shown that the area’s soil was not suitable for these grandiose, large-scale schemes. The UN “experts” could have learned something from local wisdom. Hancock reported:

Meanwhile, not far away, a group of “un-aided” smallholders who had established their own much less ambitious ponds in the wetlands of the Lake Manzalah area were in no need of any expensive high-tech “solutions”; far from having problems they were successfully harvesting 27,000 tonnes of fish annually at no cost to Western tax-payers.23

Bankrolling Tyranny, Socialism

There is scarcely a tyrant anywhere in the world who hasn’t benefited handsomely from UN handouts. Graham Hancock lists many examples, including Mobutu Sese Seku of Zaire and Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier of Haiti.

According to the 1987 World Bank Atlas, Zaire was ranked as the eighth poorest country in the world.24 The main reason this is so is dictator Mobutu, whose brutal police state discourages private investment and entrepreneurial activity. Mobutu himself, however, has become one of the richest men in the world, with an estimated personal net worth of over $3 billion, which he has stolen from his own people and the taxpayers of the West.25 Since launching this world-class grand larceny spree in 1965, the “Butcher of Zaire” has been showered with UN aid and IMF loans. In the 1986-87 period alone, Mobutu was the recipient of $570 million in new IMF loans, despite having defaulted on previous loans.

Next to Mobutu, Haiti’s Duvaliers were pikers but still managed to expropriate tens of millions of dollars of public funds for their personal use while the vast majority of their subjects lived in abject poverty. All the while, they were developing a horrible record on human rights that matched the performance of some of the world’s more infamous despots. Graham Hancock noted:

Interestingly enough, however, Haiti was a major recipient of foreign aid throughout the Duvalier era — with the United States, Canada, West Germany and France prominent amongst the bilateral donors and with the World Bank, FAO, WHO, UNDP, and UNICEF the most notable of the multilaterals. With all these “assisters” on the scene, a question has to be asked: Did the ruin of the Haitian poor occur in spite of foreign aid, or because of it? 26 [Emphasis in original]

Indeed, the same question has to be asked regarding the ruin of scores of countries. The answer is not pleasant. Moreover, when one sees in this ruination a recurring pattern of foreign aid-caused calamities and crises, always leading to more loss of freedom and ever greater concentration of power in government, and when one observes the same individuals again and again implementing the same disastrous policies with the same tragic results in one country after another and with these same individuals and institutions benefiting from the misery they are inflicting, then a whole host of questions beg to be asked. The foremost of which is: Is it possible that the UN foreign aid officials and the bankers who have been involved in these repeated and colossal catastrophes are so incompetent and incapable of learning from their numerous mistakes that they continue to make the same blunders out of sheer ignorance?

To believe that simple incompetence is responsible for these disasters is to stretch credulity beyond all reason. These are some of the brightest men in the world, with all the advantages of the best education money can buy. They have armies of advisors and technicians — “the best and the brightest” — to plot and plan each move they make. They have had, additionally, the benefit of the warnings of a host of independent expert analysts, from all political and ideological stripes, who have repeatedly condemned these programs for the fraudulent schemes they are.

One individual who has researched this issue very extensively over many years and who has argued very trenchantly against multilateral and bilateral “aid” programs is British economist Peter T. Bauer. After two decades of critical examination of Third World economies, Lord Bauer, one of the world’s most distinguished development economists, concluded:

The central argument for foreign aid has remained that without it Third World countries cannot progress at a reasonable rate, if at all. But not only is such aid patently not required for development: it has tended to obstruct development more than it has promoted it. External donations have never been necessary for the development of any society anywhere. Economic achievement depends on personal, cultural, social and political factors, that is people’s own faculties, motivations and mores, their institutions and the policies of rulers. In short, economic achievement depends on the conduct of people and their governments. It diminishes the people of the Third World to suggest that, although they crave for material progress, unlike the West they cannot achieve it without external doles.27

American philosopher-economist-theologian David Chilton, in Productive Christians in an Age of Guilt- Manipulators, his powerful riposte to Ronald J. Sider’s redistributionist economics, cogently :

The government-to-government transfer of tax receipts is not conducive to the development of a market-oriented society; indeed, it is a denial of it. Moreover, it positively encourages the growth of statism and the politicization of life in recipient countries. Foreign aid simply turns the recipients into “little Soviets.” ...
Like other bureaucracies, multinational aid organizations and their staffs have two main goals in life: spend the money, and increase the budget (as much as two-thirds of an aid organization’s budget will be spent on “administrative costs”).28 [Emphasis in original]

On the left too, we have very devastating critiques of the aid fiascos by reputable scholars. The September 1987 issue of Britain’s Keynesian-socialist Economic Journal, for instance, carried a withering blast at the World Bank authored by three British economists: Paul Mosley, John Hudson, and Sara Horrell. After exhaustive statistical analyses of Bank projects around the globe, they concluded, “empirically we have found it impossible to establish any statistically significant correlation between aid and the growth rate of GNP in developing countries.”

Moreover, the economists said:

The apparent inability of development aid over more than 20 years to provide a net increment to overall growth in the Third World must give the donor community, as it gives us, cause for grave concern.

Even “liberal” Newsweek (a principal CFR transmission belt) admitted in a 1990 survey of foreign aid programs that aid ultimately hurts Third World countries because it “tends to prop up incompetent governments or subsidize economies so they can never stand on their own.”29 Perhaps the most damning indictment of the UN’s so-called aid programs has come from author Graham Hancock, who would probably describe himself politically as a liberal. After examining repeated cases of the most destructive and unconscionable policies, he wrote in Lords of Poverty:

“UNICEF, UNHCR, and the World Food Programme et al. do indeed deliver relief supplies during emergencies; the quality, timeliness and relevance of these items, however, as we have seen ... often leave a great deal to be desired.”30

The totality of the record of these multilateral agencies led him to the following very negative and bitter conclusion:

Of course, the ugly reality is that most poor people in most poor countries most of the time never receive or even make contact with aid in any tangible shape or form: whether it is present or absent, increased or decreased, are thus issues that are simply irrelevant to the ways in which they conduct their daily lives. After the multi-billion-dollar “financial flows” involved have been shaken through the sieve of over-priced and irrelevant goods that must be bought in the donor countries, filtered again in the deep pockets of hundreds of thousands of foreign experts and aid agency staff, skimmed off by dishonest commission agents, and stolen by corrupt Ministers and Presidents, there is really very little left to go around. This little, furthermore, is then used thoughtlessly, or maliciously, or irresponsibly by those in power — who have no mandate from the poor, who do not consult with them and who are utterly indifferent to their fate. Small wonder, then, that the effects of aid are so often vicious and destructive for the most vulnerable members of human society.31 [Emphasis in original]

Even if the UN’s aid agencies and programs were as wonderfully effective as they would have us believe, our continued membership in, and support of, an institution dedicated to our destruction would remain unconscionable. The new global superstate rising behind the facade of UN beneficence presents a mortal danger to the independence and liberty of people in all lands, regardless of whatever appeals to compassion and claims to charity its public relations wizards can concoct.


We need not jeopardize our freedom in order to assist those around the world who are truly in need. Private charitable organizations such as Save the Children Fund, International Christian Aid, World Vision, Catholic Relief Services, International Red Cross, Oxfam, Africare, Doctors Without Borders, Project Hope, and many, many others are actively providing aid daily to the destitute and disaster victims in all four corners of the globe.


They offer adequate alternatives for channeling our charity to those in need. In most cases, they do so far more effectively and with far lower overhead and corruption than their governmental counterparts, either national or international. Private charitable groups must rely on persuasion for their funding; governmental agencies — including the UN’s — depend on coercion.

Under the guise of compassion, will we allow the UN to acquire the means for global coercion?



1. Dr. Rony Brauman, “Famine Aid: Were We Duped?” Reader’s Digest, October 1986, p. 71.
2. James Bovard, “The World Bank vs. the World’s Poor,” Cato Institute Policy Analysis, No. 92, September 28, 1987, p. 1.
3. Brauman, p. 72.
4. Robert W. Lee, “International Welfare,” The New American, March 23, 1992, p. 26.
5. Robert W. Lee, “The Truth About the Communist Planned Famine in Ethiopia,” American Opinion, April 1985.
6. Bovard, pp. 2, 5.
7. Ibid., p. 5.
8. Graham Hancock, Lords of Poverty (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1989), p. 85.
9. Ibid., p. 104.
10. Paul Lewis, “U.N. Refugee Chief Quits Over His Use of Funds,” New York Times, October 27, 1989.
11. Brauman, p. 70.
12. Ibid., p. 71.
13. Bovard, p. 3.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid., p. 1.
16. Doug Bandow, “Why Waste Aid on Russia? Consider the I.M.F’s dismal record,” New York Times, March 26, 1992.
17. Ibid.
18. Senator Jesse Helms, Congressional Record, December 15, 1987, p. S 18148.
19. Official vita supplied to author by World Bank on September 1, 1992.
20. Hancock, p. 144.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., p. 145.
23. Ibid., pp. 122-23.
24. Ibid., p. 178.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., p. 180.
27. P.T. Bauer, Reality and Rhetoric (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), pp. 43-44.
28. David Chilton, Productive Chrisitans in an Age of Guilt-Manipulators (Tyler, TX: Institute for Christian Economics, 1981), pp. 300-01.
29. Douglas Waller, “Foreign-Aid Follies,” Newsweek, April 16, 1990, p. 23.
30. Hancock, p. 109.
31. Ibid., p. 190.

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