The UN Founders

We’re now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders.1

  • George Bush, September 11, 1990, Televised address before a Joint Session of Congress At last the United Nations is beginning to fulfill the security mission its founders intended.

  • Democratic Congressman Lee H. Hamilton, Foreign Affairs, Summer 1992 With the United Nations finally beginning to function as its framers intended, it is time for the United States to lead....

  • Republican Congressman James A. Leach, Foreign Affairs, Summer 1992 The United Nations has begun to fulfill the vision of its founders.2

  • Changing Our Ways, 1992 report of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace After suffering years of declining prestige, the United Nations is once again basking in the same glory it enjoyed in the immediate post-World War II years. Solemn references to the “ideals,” “vision,” and “wisdom” of the UN founders abound in current speeches and articles as we experience another round of historical revisionism. In 1945, we are told, a peace-hungry world groped for solutions that would put an end to war. Atomic weapons made their quest an absolute necessity, because an atomic exchange could put an end to mankind. Statesmen of great vision seized the opportunity and fashioned an instrument - the United Nations - to attain that lofty and elusive goal: world peace.

Creation of the CFR

That, of course, is the standard textbook rendering and the interpretation of history most frequently encountered today. Unfortunately, it is not accurate. The organization known as the United Nations did indeed officially come into being with the signing of the UN Charter by representatives from 50 nations meeting in San Francisco on June 26, 1945. But that signal event was the culmination of years of planning by a private, high-level policy group that had gained de facto control of our foreign policy during the Roosevelt Administration. Immediately after our entry into the war, that organization, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), planted the idea of a world-governing “peace” organization.


At the instigation of our State Department, the 26 nations at war against the Axis powers proclaimed themselves the United Nations in January 1942. Historian Clarence Carson observed:

Roosevelt worked to avoid the pitfalls that had helped to keep the United States out of the League of Nations. His hand is clearly apparent in trying to get the name accepted even before the organization had been formed. (Americans continued to refer to their side as the “Allies” during World War II, not the “United Nations,” but officially the term was being used anyhow.)3

President Roosevelt, however, was merely implementing the policies that were being handed to him. In his 1988 exposé, The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations and the American Decline, James Perloff outlined the genesis of the UN plan:

In January 1943, Secretary of State Cordell Hull formed a steering committee composed of himself, Leo Pasvolsky, Isaiah Bowman, Sumner Welles, Norman Davis, and Morton Taylor. All of these men - with the exception of Hull - were in the CFR. Later known as the Informal Agenda Group, they drafted the original proposal for the United Nations. It was Bowman - a founder of the CFR and member of Colonel House’s old “Inquiry” - who first put forward the concept. They called in three attorneys, all CFR men, who ruled that it was constitutional. Then they discussed it with FDR on June 15, 1944. The President approved the plan, and announced it to the public that same day.4

The list of those in the U.S. delegation to the UN’s founding San Francisco Conference reads like a CFR roll call. Delegates who were, had been, or would later become members of the Council included:5

  1. Theodore C. Achilles

  2. James W. Angell

  3. Hamilton Fish Armstrong

  4. Charles E. Bohlen

  5. Isaiah Bowman

  6. Ralph Bunche

  7. John M. Cabot

  8. Mitchell B. Carroll

  9. Andrew W. Cordier

  10. John S. Dickey

  11. John Foster Dulles

  12. James Clement Dunn

  13. Clyde Eagleton

  14. Clark M. Eichelberger

  1. Muir S. Fairchild

  2. Thomas K. Finletter

  3. Artemus Gates

  4. Arthur J. Hepburn

  5. Julius C. Holmes

  6. Philip C. Jessup

  7. Joseph E. Johnson

  8. R. Keith Kane

  9. Foy D. Kohler

  10. John E. Lockwood

  11. Archibald MacLeish

  12. John J. McCloy

  13. Cord Meyer, Jr

  14. Edward G. Miller, Jr.

  1. Hugh Moore

  2. Leo Pasvolsky

  3. Dewitt C. Poole

  4. William L. Ransom

  5. Nelson A. Rockefeller

  6. James T. Shotwell

  7. Harold E. Stassen

  8. Edward R. Stettinius, Jr.

  9. Adlai E. Stevenson

  10. r Sweetser

  11. James Swihart

  12. Llewellyn E. Thompson

  13. Herman B. Wells

  14. Francis Wilcox

  15. Charles W. Yost

The secretary-general of the conference was U.S. State Department official Alger Hiss, a member of the

CFR and a secret Soviet agent. Other high-level American communists who served as delegates included: Noel Field, Harold Glasser, Irving Kaplan, Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, Victor Perlo, Henry Julian Wadley, and Harry Dexter White. Some - like Hiss, Lauchlin Currie, and Lawrence Duggan - shared the odious distinction of membership in both the Council and the Communist Party. In the next chapter, we will explore the important relationship between these two seemingly disparate organizations as well as the communist leadership role at the conference. But for now, let us concentrate on the Council.

What the historical record shows, and what is essential for all people of good will to understand, is that the United Nations is completely a creature of the Council on Foreign Relations and was designed by that organization eventually to become an instrument for an all-powerful world government. In order to establish the factual basis for this claim, and to permit an appreciation for the significance of it, we must revisit some murky pages of the history of this century.


Some Necessary Background

Hitler’s invasion of Poland, the casus belli of World War II, was launched on September 1, 1939. Although the United States would not enter the war for two more years (December 1941), within days of the German invasion top members of the CFR were taking over post-war planning for the Roosevelt Administration. In 1947, the Council published its own version of how it came to run FDR’s State Department:

Within a week [of the war’s start], Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Editor of Foreign Affairs, and Walter H. Mallory, Executive Director of the Council, paid a visit to the Department of State to offer such aid on the part of the Council as might be useful and appropriate in view of the war.

The Department was already greatly overworked as a result of the crisis.... The Council representatives suggested that, pending the time when the Department itself would be able to assemble a staff and begin research and analysis on the proper scale, the Council might undertake work in certain fields, without, of course, any formal assignment of responsibility on the one side or restriction of independent action on the other....

The Department officers welcomed the Council’s suggestion and encouraged the Council to formulate a more detailed plan. This was done in consultation with Department officials. The Rockefeller Foundation was then approached for a grant of funds to put the plan into operation. When assurances had been received that the necessary funds would be available, the personnel of the groups were selected and on December 8, 1939, an organization meeting was held in Washington....6 Following that meeting, as Robert W. Lee explained in his 1981 book, The United Nations Conspiracy, the State Department established a Committee on Post-War Problems.


It was assisted by a research staff that was organized in February 1941 into a Division of Special Research.

“After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor,” wrote Lee, “the research facilities were expanded and the overall project was reorganized into an Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign Policies. Serving on the Committee were a number of influential CFR members, including Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Sumner Welles, Isaiah Bowman, Norman H. Davis, James T. Shotwell, Myron C. Taylor, and Leo Pasvolsky. The Russian-born Pasvolsky became the Committee’s Director of Research.”7

The Council and its defenders insist that it has no sinister agenda; that, in fact, it has no agenda at all.

“The Council shall not take any position on questions of foreign policy,” the organization officially declares.8 It is simply a study group, its spokesmen regularly maintain, and its civic-minded members offered their expertise in service of their country during an hour of great peril. And they have continued to provide their services ever since.

One who heartily disagreed with those protestations of innocence and benevolence was Admiral Chester Ward, a former Judge Advocate General of the Navy, who was himself a member of the Council for 16 years. His experience led him to conclude that the group was formed for the “purpose of promoting disarmament and submergence of U.S. sovereignty and national independence into an all-powerful oneworld government.” Together with coauthor Phyllis Schlafly, he wrote that the most influential clique within the CFR “is composed of the one-world-global-government ideologists - more respectfully referred to as the organized internationalists. They are the ones who carry on the tradition of the founders.”


Moreover, he charged, “this lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States is pervasive throughout most of the membership.... The majority visualize the utopian submergence of the United States as a subsidiary administrative unit of a global government....”9 These are serious charges from a man of considerable distinction who enjoyed the benefit of an inside look at the Insiders of the American Establishment.

Admiral Ward is far from alone in rendering this harsh judgement of the CFR. After surveying the colossal damage done to America and the Free World from the foreign and domestic policies imposed by members of the Council, many patriotic Americans have arrived at the same conclusion. These include historians, journalists, academicians, members of Congress, and other civic leaders. We will be introducing some of their statements further along in this book. More immediately, however, let us examine the origins of the Council on Foreign Relations.


Origins of the CFR

According to the CFR’s own history:

The origins of the Council on Foreign Relations lay in the concern of the founders at what they regarded as the disappointing conduct of the Versailles negotiations ... and at the shortsighted, as they saw it, rejection by the United States of membership in the League of Nations. In 1921 they founded the Council as a privately funded, nonprofit and nonpartisan organization of individual members.10 Accompanying President Woodrow Wilson to the Versailles Peace Conference at the end of World War I were a number of men who would become founders of the CFR. Preeminent among these was Wilson’s closest adviser, the mysterious Colonel Edward Mandell House.


So dependent was Wilson upon House that he referred to him as “my second personality,” “my independent self,” “my alter ego.” Further, he asserted, “His thoughts and mine are one.”11 According to Wilson biographer George Sylvester Viereck, “Woodrow Wilson stalks through history on the feet of Edward Mandell House.”12 An appreciation of this abnormal dependency, what Viereck would call “The Strangest Friendship in History,”13 is essential to understanding the course of American statecraft in the ensuing decades.

It was Colonel House who penned the first draft of the covenant of the League of Nations.14 He also prevailed on Wilson to convene the group known as the “Inquiry,” a cabal of American one-worlders who formulated much of Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” peace program. Hand-picked by House, the group included Walter Lippman, Allen W. Dulles, John Foster Dulles, Christian A. Herter, and Norman Thomas. Director of the Inquiry was Dr. Sidney Mezes, House’s brother-in-law.15

Perhaps one of the best sources of insight into the mind and character of Wilson’s “alter ego” is a novel authored by House entitled Philip Dru: Administrator.16 Although it was published anonymously during the presidential campaign of 1912, the colonel later acknowledged the book as his own. He admitted it was “not much of a novel,” but that fiction was the best format for disseminating his political ideas to a large audience.17


One need barely open the book’s cover to discover the author’s radical ideals. The title page prominently features a quotation by the 19th century revolutionist and archconspirator Giuseppe Mazzini. Identified on the same page is the book’s publisher, B. W. Huebsch, a longtime publisher of left-wing literature who was affiliated with numerous Communist Party fronts. The dedication page declares, in typical Marxist fashion, that “in the starting, the world-wide social structure was wrongly begun.” The novel’s hero, Philip Dru, opines that American society is “a miserable travesty” and believes in “Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx,” modified with a “spiritual leavening.” Dru leads a military coup, establishes himself as dictator of the United States, abolishes the constitution and institutes Marxist reforms.

Many of Administrator Dru’s “reforms” would later be adopted by President Wilson. Viereck observed that “The Wilson Administration transferred the Colonel’s ideas from the pages of fiction to the pages of history.”18 House’s novel, commented Dr. J. B. Matthews, “is an indispensable source book on the origins of Woodrow Wilson’s New Freedom and Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal.”19 Through Philip Dru, House also proposed a “league of nations” - anticipating by seven years Wilson’s appeal at Versailles for an identically-named world body.

In its 1928 Survey of American Foreign Relations, the CFR reported, “In the first months of the World War a new movement sprang up spontaneously - the League to Enforce Peace.”20 Actually, it didn’t spring up “spontaneously” at all. The League was the creation of one Theodore Marburg, a wealthy internationalist from Maryland, and was funded primarily by Andrew Carnegie, at the time reputed to be the richest man in the world.21


The CFR history recounts that “the four years’ activity of the League to Enforce Peace served the League [of Nations] cause by preparing the public mind for its reception and by popularizing the ideal of international organization in behalf of peace.”22 Concerning Wilson’s involvement with the Marburg/Carnegie League to Enforce Peace, the 1928 volume reported:

As early as the autumn of 1914 Wilson said, when looking ahead to the end of the war; “all nations must be absorbed into some great association of nations....” When Wilson was persuaded to speak at the League to Enforce Peace banquet in Washington on May 27, 1916, he endorsed the program of that organization only indirectly, making no mention of force; but he advocated the general idea of a league with such ardor that he was henceforth regarded as its champion.23 The U.S. Senate, however, led by “irreconcilables” Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and William Borah of Idaho, refused to ratify the Covenant. Americans were suspicious of entanglements with the constantly warring European powers and wanted no part of submersion in a world super-state. Without American participation, the one-worlders’ plans for a global government would come to naught.

“Wilson had done his best in his individualistic way from 1914 to stimulate a public desire for a liberal peace and a new world order,” said the CFR’s director of research Charles P. Howland. But, he wrote, “Men’s minds were not ready for great decisions in a new political field; the mass opinion of 120,000,000 people orientates itself slowly in novel situations.”24

Obviously, men’s minds needed to be made “ready.” It was for this purpose that the Council on Foreign Relations was launched at a May 1919 meeting held at the Majestic Hotel in Paris. Joining American members of the Inquiry were like-minded internationalists from Britain belonging to the elite, semisecret Round Table group begun by that diamond and gold mogul of fabled wealth, Cecil Rhodes.25

According to Rhodes biographer Sarah Millin, “The government of the world was Rhodes’ simple desire.”26 The Paris meeting was hosted by Colonel House.27 Out of that gathering was born an Institute of International Affairs, which would have branches in London and New York. The locations were appropriate, since as one historian of the Council observed, “nearly all of them [the CFR’s founding members] were bankers and lawyers.”28


Not just your ordinary, run-of-the-mill bankers and lawyers, mind you, these were the top international barristers and financiers of Wall Street who were associated with the magic name of J. P..

“The founding president of the CFR,” wrote author James Perloff, “was John W. Davis, who was J. P. Morgan’s personal attorney and a millionaire in his own right. Founding vice-president was Paul Cravath, whose law firm also represented the Morgan interests. Morgan partner Russell Leffingwell would later become the Council’s first chairman. A variety of other Morgan partners, attorneys and agents crowded the CFR’s early membership rolls.”29

In 1921, the American branch of the organization launched in Paris was incorporated in New York as the Council on Foreign Relations. The British branch became the Royal Institute of International Affairs, otherwise known as Chatham House.


CFR Globalist Influence Grows

To propagate its “internationalist” world view among a select intelligentsia, the Council launched a quarterly journal, Foreign Affairs. Time magazine called Foreign Affairs “the most influential periodical in print,”30 while the CFR itself boasts that its journal provides an “insider’s look at world politics.”31 Admiral Ward said of its influence:

“By following the evolution of this propaganda in the most prestigious scholarly journal in the world, Foreign Affairs, anyone can determine years in advance what the future defense and foreign policies of the United States will be. If a certain proposition is repeated often enough in that journal, then the U.S. Administration in power - be it Republican or Democratic - begins to act as if that proposition or assumption were an established fact.”32 (Emphasis in original)

The CFR’s globalist bent was evident from the first issue of Foreign Affairs, where readers were told, “Our government should enter heartily into the existing League of Nations....”33 With CFR members in charge of dispersing tens of millions of dollars from the major tax-exempt foundations (Carnegie, Rockefeller, Twentieth Century Fund) each year, it was not long before an entire nationwide network of one-world support groups was established. By 1928 the CFR’s research division could report to the Council:

University courses dealing with international affairs have trebled in number since the war; there has been an outpouring of books on foreign relations, diplomatic history, and international law; periodicals such as Foreign Affairs, Current History, and the American Journal of International Law, and the information service of the Foreign Policy Association are supplying materials for a sound background; and associations and organizations devoted to an impartial discussion of international relations and the supplying of authentic information have sprung up in almost every great city. As yet, however, these agencies for furnishing adequate standards of judgment and accurate current information have not penetrated very far down in society.34

Whether or not the Council’s approved sources provided “impartial discussion,” “authentic information,” and “adequate standards of judgment” is something for each reader to decide for himself. It is worth noting, however, that a congressional investigation by the Special House Committee to Investigate Tax- Exempt Foundations (the Reece Committee) concluded in 1954 that the CFR “productions are not objective but are directed overwhelmingly at promoting the globalist concept,” and that it had become “in essence an agency of the United States Government ... carrying its internationalist bias with it.”35


The director of research for that investigative committee was the same Norman Dodd whom we quoted in our Introduction (about the astonishing admission to him by Ford Foundation President H. Rowan Gaither). If Dodd was jarred (and he was) by Gaither’s confessed involvement in a master scheme to merge the U.S. and the Soviet Union, he was no less shocked by what his investigative team found in the minutes of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

In his 1980 exposé, The Tax-Exempt Foundations, William H. McIlhany, II interviewed Norman Dodd, who repeated what his investigator Kathryn Casey had found in the “peace” organization’s minutes compiled several years before the start of World War I:

[In the minutes] the trustees raised a question. And they discussed the question and the question was specific, “Is there any means known to man more effective than war, assuming you wish to alter the life of an entire people?” And they discussed this and at the end of a year they came to the conclusion that there was no more effective means to that end known to man. So, then they raised question number two, and the question was, “How do we involve the United States in a war?”

And then they raised the question,

“How do we control the diplomatic machinery of the United States?” And the answer came out, “We” must control the State Department. At this point we catch up with what we had already found out and that was that through an agency set up by the Carnegie Endowment every high appointment in the State Department was cleared. Finally, we were in a war. These trustees in a meeting about 1917 had the brashness to congratulate themselves on the wisdom of their original decision because already the impact of war had indicated it would alter life and can alter life in this country. This was the date of our entry in the war; we were involved. They even had the brashness to word and to dispatch a telegram to Mr. Wilson, cautioning him to see that the war did not end too quickly. [Emphasis added]

The war was over. Then the concern became, as expressed by the trustees, seeing to it that there was no reversion to life in this country as it existed prior to 1914. And they came to the conclusion that, to prevent a reversion, they must control education. And then they approached the Rockefeller Foundation and they said,

“Will you take on the acquisition of control of education as it involves subjects that are domestic in their significance? We’ll take it on the basis of subjects that have an international significance.”

And it was agreed.

Then, together, they decided the key to it is the teaching of American history and they must change that. So, they then approached the most prominent of what we might call American historians at that time with the idea of getting them to alter the manner in which they presented the subject.36

The first president of the Endowment was Theodore Roosevelt’s Secretary of State, Elihu Root,37 who became an honorary member of the CFR in 1922 and from 1931-37 served as honorary president of the group. Later a U.S. senator and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Root stated in his address to the CFR, at the opening of its new headquarters in 1930, that to achieve its goals the Council would have to engage in “steady, continuous, and unspectacular labor.”38

That it has surely done. A host of adjunct organizations were created to promote the CFR viewpoint: the United World Federalists, Atlantic Council, Trilateral Commission, Aspen Institute, Business Council, Foreign Policy Association, etc. Through its members, the CFR steadily gained influence in and dominance of the executive branch of the federal government, both major political parties, important organs of the news media, major universities, influential think tanks, large tax-exempt foundations, huge multi-national corporations, international banks, and other power centers.


Historian Arthur M. Schlesinger (CFR), who served as a special assistant to President Kennedy, wrote in 1965 of,

“the New York financial and legal community - that arsenal of talent which had so long furnished a steady supply ... to Democratic as well as Republican administrations. This community was the heart of the American Establishment ... its front organizations [are] the Rockefeller, Ford and Carnegie foundations and the Council on Foreign Relations; its organs, the New York Times and Foreign Affairs.”39

John J. McCloy was known in CFR Insider circles as “the chairman of the Establishment.” Besides serving as chairman of the CFR from 1953 to 1970, and as chairman of both the Ford Foundation and the Rockefellers’ Chase Manhattan Bank for long periods, he was friend and advisor to nine U.S. presidents, from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan.40 McCloy recalled: “Whenever we needed a man we thumbed through the roll of the Council members and put through a call to New York.”41 The Council’s imprimatur has become so essential for many top posts that veteran CFR member Richard Barnet has stated, “failure to be asked to be a member of the Council has been regarded for a generation as a presumption of unsuitability for high office in the national security bureaucracy.”42


Commenting decades ago on this Insider lockgrip on our government, newspaper columnist Edith Kermit Roosevelt (a granddaughter of Theodore Roosevelt) wrote:

What is the Establishment’s view-point? Through the Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations its ideology is constant: That the best way to fight Communism is by a One World Socialist state governed by “experts” like themselves. The result has been policies which favor the growth of the superstate, gradual surrender of United States sovereignty to the United Nations and a steady retreat in the face of Communist aggression.43

That CFR lockhold on the White House and other top positions in the federal government has continued through to the present. Writing in the September 21, 1992 issue of The New American, Robert W. Lee briefly cited some key indicators of continuing CFR dominance:

At least 13 of the 18 men to serve as Secretary of State since the CFR’s founding have belonged to the organization, not counting current Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, who is also a member. Our last eight CIA directors have also belonged, including current chief Robert M. Gates.

During the past four decades alone, the major-party candidates for President and Vice President who were, or eventually became, members of the CFR include: Dwight D. Eisenhower, Adlai Stevenson, John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey, George McGovern, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, George Bush, Bill Clinton, Henry Cabot Lodge, Nelson A. Rockefeller, Edmund Muskie, and Geraldine Ferraro.

President Bush was a CFR director in the 1970s. Members of his Administration who belong include Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, CIA Director William Webster, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell.

The UN founders so highly lauded today were carrying out a decades-old plan of - in the words of Admiral Ward - “promoting disarmament and submergence of U.S. sovereignty and independence into an all-powerful one-world government.”44 They were “one-world-global-government-ideologists,” who conspired with totalitarian communists to subvert and destroy the constitutional system of government they had sworn under oath to protect and uphold. Their treasonous actions, “ideals” and “vision” deserve not honor but utter contempt.



1. President Bush in televised address before a Joint Session of Congress, September 11, 1990, Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, Vol. 26 - Number 37, p. 1360.
2. Carnegie Endowment’s National Commission on America, Changing Our Ways: America and the New World (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1992), p. 2.
3. Clarence Carson, A Basic History of the United States - Book V: The Welfare State, 1929 - 1985 (Wadley, AL: American Textbook Committee, 1986), p. 151.
4. James Perloff, The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations and the American Decline (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1988), p. 71.
5. Robert W. Lee, The United Nations Conspiracy (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1981), p. 243.
6. John W. Davis, The Council On Foreign Relations: A Record of Twenty-Five Years, 1921 - 1946 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1947), pp. 15-17, quoted by Lee, p. 7.
7. Lee, p. 7.
8. See “Rules, Guidelines, and Practices,” in Council on Foreign Relations Annual Report: July 1, 1990 - June 30, 1991, p. 168.
9. Phyllis Schlafly and Chester Ward, Rear Admiral, USN (Ret.), Kissinger on the Couch (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, 1975), pp. 146, 149-50.
10. “President’s Report,” August 31, 1972, Council on Foreign Relations, quoted by Schlafly, Ward, p. 149.
11. Charles Seymour (ed.), The Initimate Papers of Colonel House, Vol. I, “Behind The Political Curtain: 1912 - 1915” (Boston: Hougton Mifflin, 1926), p. 114.
12. George Sylvester Viereck, The Strangest Friendship in History: Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House (New York: Liveright, 1932), p. 349.
13. Ibid., p. xi.
14. Ibid., p. 54.
15. Charles Seymour (ed.), The Initimate Papers of Colonel House, Vol. III, “Into the World War: April, 1917 - June, 1918” (Boston: Hougton Mifflin, 1928), p. 171. See also Alan Stang, The Actor: The True Story of John Foster Dulles Secretary of State, 1953 - 1959 (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1968), p. 19.
16. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru: Administrator (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1912).
17. J. B. Matthews, “Philip Dru: Fascist Prototype,” American Mercury, November 1954, p. 132.
18. Viereck, p. 28.
19. Matthews, p. 134.
20. Charles P. Howland, Survey of American Foreign Relations 1928, published for the Council on Foreign Relations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1928), p. 236.
21. William P. Hoar, Architects of Conspiracy: An Intriguing History (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1984), pp. 91-92.
22. Howland, p. 237.
23. Ibid., pp. 237-38.
24. Ibid., p. 239.
25. Gary Allen with Larry Abraham, None Dare Call It Conspiracy (Rossmoor, CA: Concord Press, 1971), pp. 92-93.
26. Sarah Gertrude Millin, Cecil Rhodes (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1933), p. 8.
27. Allen, p. 93. See also Joseph Kraft, “School for Statesmen,” Harper’s July 1958, p. 64.
28. Robert D. Schulzinger, The Wise Men of Foreign Affairs: The History of the Council on Foreign Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 6. See also Carroll Quigley Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in our Time (New York: Macmillan, 1966), p. 952.
29. Perloff, p. 38.
30. Stitch-in subscription card in Foreign Affairs, Summer 1986. Also, letter to subscribers from David Kellogg, publisher, 1991 or 1992.
31. Letter to former subscribers from George Winchester, Foreign Affairs stationery, 1991 or 1992.
32. Schlafly, Ward, p. 151.
33. Charles W. Eliot, “The Next American Contribution to Civilization,” Foreign Affairs, September 15, 1922, p. 65, quoted by Perloff, p. 37.
34. Howland, CFR Survey: 1928, p. 123.
35. Schlafly, Ward, p. 150.
36. William H. McIlhany, II, The Tax-Exempt Foundations (Westport, CT: Arlington House, 1980), pp. 60-61. See also videotaped interview of Norman Dodd, The Hidden Agenda: Merging America Into World Government (Westlake Village, CA: American Media), one hour (VHS).
37. McIlhany, p. 61.
38. Perloff, p. 51.
39. Arthur M. Schlesinger, A Thousand Days (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), quoted by Hoar, p. 78.
40. Alan Brinkley, “Minister Without Portfolio,” Harper’s, February 1983, p. 31.
41. John J. McCloy, quoted by J. Anthony Lukas, “The Council on Foreign Relations: Is It a Club? Seminar? Presidium? Invisible Government?” New York Times Magazine, November 21, 1971, pp. 125- 26, quoted by Perloff, p. 8. See also Max Holland, “Citizen McCloy,” The Wilson Quarterly, Autumn 1991, p. 35.
42. Richard J. Barnet, Roots of War (New York: Atheneum, 1972), p. 49, quoted by Perloff, pp. 9-10.
43. Edith Kermit Roosevelt, “Elite Clique Holds Power in U.S.,” Indianapolis News, December 23, 1961, p. 6, quoted by Perloff, p. 14.
44. Schlafly, Ward, p. 150.

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