The Philadelphia Story
A long trail of indictments, fines and press stories leads to one of
the most dramatic case histories of Dope, Incorporated, and to
Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love. Under the direction of old
Philadelphia Quaker families, whose roots in the opium traffic go
back to the first years after the American Revolution, and with the
cooperation of one of Britain's oldest opium-running families, the
Philadelphia dope network can be charted from the wholesale
production of illicit drugs down to the gutter.
Tucked away in the towering Sun Oil building in downtown
Philadelphia are the small corporate headquarters of an obscure firm
known as Paco Pharmaceuticals. Paco has only one line of business:
it packages roughly two-thirds of the amphetamine tablets sold in
the United States, under contract from the old Quaker
pharmaceuticals companies in the Philadelphia area, including Smith,
Kline and French, Rohm and Haas, and Pennwalt. It publishes no
annual report or other information concerning its activities, except
for one crucial fact: it is owned by Charterhouse Japhet, the
present incarnation of the old Japhet family opium interests. Paco
is also the source of most of
the "leakage" of amphetamines into illicit channels in the United
Federal agencies have tried to crack down on the Paco nexus for
years, but have succeeded only in wrist-slapping its local
collaborators. The record of citations of the amphetamine producers
is lengthy. It includes:
A $200,000 fine imposed in October 1977 by the Drug Enforcement
Administration on Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, after Pennwalt was
convicted of 17 counts of questionable practices in the production
of medicines containing cocaine.
A 1972 accusation against Pennwalt by the predecessor organization
of the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Bureau of Narcotics and
Dangerous Drugs, involving Pennwalt's use of Mexican subsidiaries to
provide illicit channels of drug traffic in the United States with
amphetamines. The BNDD discovered major accounting discrepancies
between the amounts of amphetamine Pennwalt claimed it shipped to
Mexico and the amount of amphetamine that actually arrived in
A recent order by the Food and Drug Administration compelling
Pennwalt to close a warehouse housing opium, ostensibly for
manufacture into licit morphone under federal license, due to
"leakage" of the opium.
In November 1976, CBS's "Sixty Minutes" news feature program
accused Pennwalt of marketing amphetamine-based diet pills, with the
deliberate objective of creating a "hooked" market of dependent
amphetamine users. Commentator Mike Wallace cited a 1970 Pennwalt
internal memorandum to substantiate this allegation.
The hard evidence of illegal drug trafficking by the old-line drug
firms in amphetamines, and strong suspicion of similar trafficking
in cocaine and opium, is the starting point for a chain of control
that ends with the retail drug trade, terrorism, and crime on the
streets of Philadelphia, leading through individuals in high
positions in the city's top banks and "charitable" foundations. A
November 13, 1978, expose of the Philadelphia Foundation in the
Philadelphia Daily News brought to public light the incriminating
information that had, independently, been gathered by a U.S. Labor
Party investigative team.
One James Boudine, a director of Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, is the
leading connection between the wholesale and street-level sides of
Philadelphia's narcotics traffic. Until 1977 he was president of the
First Pennsylvania Bank, in charge, among other things, of its
support of the Philadelphia Foundation. Despite his departure from
the president's suite, he remains on the board of directors and
continues to direct the bank's "charitable" activities.
What First Pennsylvania's and other Philadelphia banks' funds went
for became clear in the summer of 1978, when a member of a local
leftist cult, known as "MOVE," killed a Philadelphia policeman
with an automatic rifle. Heavily oriented towards drugs and
terrorism, MOVE is part of a family of similar groups that functions
under the umbrella of the drug-oriented Movement for a New Society,
one of the ugliest concoctions ever to appear on the streets of the
The Movement for a New Society and its more
explicitly violence-prone outlets, such as MOVE, receive most of
their funding from the Philadelphia Foundation and two associated
funding conduits for the Quaker pharmaceuticals firm and the related
Philadelphia banks. (3) The other conduits are the William Penn
Foundation, controlled by the five members of the Haas
pharmaceuticals family who sit on the foundation's board, and by the
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends
The Yearly Meeting is no more a religious Quaker institution than
Seagram Liquors or Emprise are religious Jewish institutions, but
serves as a front for leading British-allied banking and chemical
companies of Quaker origin. The funds of the Yearly Meeting are
controlled by Robert Boudine—of the same Boudine family—in two
secret accounts held at James Boudine's First Pennsylvania Bank, and
shunted to undisclosed activities. Among known contributions is a
$2,000 donation to the MOVE group, before the murder of the
Philadelphia policeman attracted public attention. That contribution
was only dis covered after Philadelphia police moved in to clean out
MOVE's headquarters, and discovered a receipt for $2,000 from the
Yearly Meeting of the Friends in MOVE's quarters.
The Movement for a New Society is the biggest law
enforcement problem in the city of Philadelphia. Not only has it
produced killers like those from MOVE, but its combination of
pro-drug, pro-homosexuality, pro-pederasty, pro-environmentalist
ideology provides an environment that breeds terrorists. According
to its own publications, the Movement for a New Society provided the
cadre who led the "Clamshell Alliance" demonstration at New
Hampshire's Seabrook nuclear reactor site in 1977. New Hampshire
police conducted mass arrests of the demonstrators after receiving
information that the demonstrators planned terrorist action.
This antisocial organization receives its funds from the
pharmaceutical firms and their bankers, through the Philadelphia
Foundation, the William Penn Foundation, and the Yearly Meeting's
$25 million secret slush fund. The William Penn Foundation funds the
Movement to the tune of $40,000 a year. The foundation was
established by Rohm and Haas. The Philadelphia Foundation provided
the Movement's funding conduit, Neighborhood Resources West, with
$6,472 in recorded funds in 1977. That foundation was founded under
the auspices of officials of the Fidelity Bank of Philadelphia
Banking Corporation. On the Fidelity Bank's board is John C. Haas of
Rohm and Haas; its chairman is Howard C. Petersen, who also sits on
the board of Rohm and Haas.
How little the operations of the Philadelphia Society of Friends
resemble the religious principles of Quakerism is evident from one
fact: their Philadelphia offices house the headquarters of,
1) the Venceremos Brigade, the mother organization for the terrorist
2) the Susan Saxe Defense Committee, which conducted
legal efforts on behalf of Weatherwoman bank robber Susan Saxe
3) the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, which officially supports the
terror-bombings of the so-called FALN
The "Religious Society of
Friends" designation is a misnomer. The Philadelphia Quakers operate
through the American Friends Service Committee, an organization that
religious Quakers have despised since its founding.
The American Friends Service Committee's spawn, the Movement for a New Society, funded through Quaker accounts, is
explicitly pro-violence. One of its publications, a 1976 pamphlet
entitled "Moving Towards a New Society," says: "There are a number,
perhaps a growing number, of completely sincere humanist
revolutionaries who believe that violence is necessary, although
regrettable, and that only through armed struggle can the powerful
American Empire be toppled...it is important that we express
solidarity with all who share our goals," e.g. Susan Saxe and the
The Quaker-funded Movement for a New Society also published a series
of frankly pornographic manuals for their "revolutionaries,"
including such titles as "Gay Oppression and Liberation,"
"Liberating Sexuality," and "Take Heart—All Those in the Struggle."
These publications advocate pederasty, "multiple sexual
relationships," and public masturbation.
One of these publications,
"Gay Oppression and Liberation," reports that "non-gays in the
Movement for a New Society have made great strides recently in
reducing their complicity with heterosexism." This is not only a
breeding ground for the dope traffic and terrorism, but an
expression of the cult existence prescribed by the original masters
of the narcotics traffic (see Part IV). And it is the bottom line
for the William Penn and Philadelphia Foundations.
Charterhouse Japhet's presence in the middle of this midAtlantic
zoo is the link back to the highest levels of Dope, Incorporated,
the queer alliance of Friends-who-are-not-Friends and
Jews-who-are-not-Jews. The leading Quaker banking families in
Philadelphia allied themselves with the Baring bank and the dope
traffic in the first years of the American Republic.
The top British
banks include old Quaker families, who have been represented in the
United States for two centuries. Britain's largest bank, Barclays,
founded in its present form in 1835, has been in Quaker hands for
200 years. Its representative David Barclay lived in Philadelphia
during the 18th century, at the same time that the Baring Bank set
up shop there. Barclays' board, as noted earlier, includes five
members of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem, the
chivalric dirty tricks arm of the British and related monarchies.
Charterhouse Japhet today is controlled by Barclays Bank,
through an intermediary. Barclays controls Slough Properties,
which functions as the de facto parent organization of Charter-house
Japhet. Through its hold on the Japhet family interests, Barclays
controls Israeli finance, by way of Ernst Israel Japhet, the
chairman of Israel's largest finance house, Bank Leumi. Bank Leumi
has just applied to the American regulatory authorities for
permission to open a branch office in Philadelphia.
Consequently, the joint appearance of "Quaker" and "Jewish"
financiers at the center of the Philadelphia Story is no accident.
Neither of them have anything more to do with the two religions than
does the Movement for a New Society's perverted gibberish. Under the
control of the British oligarchy and the Order of St. John, they are
the instruments of a British subversion plan in Philadelphia that,
in the words of the Movement for a New Society's badly printed
tract, wants to "topple the American Empire."
Back to Contents
1. THE BRONFMAN GANG
Canadian Jewish Congress Report, 1967-68, in commemoration of Samuel
Peter C. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, The Rothschilds of the New World
(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1978), pp. 66-73.
Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 64.
Hank Messick, Lansky (New York: Berkley Medallion Books, 1971), pp.
James H. Gray, Booze (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada, Alger Press,
Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 127.
Russell Sage Foundation, 1907-1946 (New York: Russell Sage
Foundation, 1947), Volume 1.. Loanshark operation surveys were also
conducted in Illinois and Kentucky.
Hank Messick, Secret File (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), pp.
Torrio's rise to power has been chronicled in hundreds of books and
press accounts dealing with the history of organized crime and with
the "Capone" Chicago organization in particular. See Don Maclean,
Pictorial History of the Mafia (New York: Pyramid Books, 1974);
Ralph Salerno and John S. Tompkins, The Crime Confederation (New
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1969); Martin A. Gosch and Richard
Hammer, The Last Testament of Lucky Luciano (New York: Dell
Publishing Co., Inc., 1974). Additional insight was provided through
numerous interviews with law enforcement officials at the U.S.
Customs Bureau and Drug Enforcement Administration.
Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 150; see also Donald R.
Cressey, Theft of the Nation: The Structure and Operations of
Organized Crime in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), pp.
Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 461. Figures vary for
the death toll reached during the war period; however, on the night
that New York boss Salvatore Maranzano — September 11, 1931 — was
assassinated and the immediate 48-hour period following, it is
estimated that 40 gang leaders were killed in the overall purge. See
also: Donald R. Cressey, Theft of the Nation, pp. 29-53. and Peter
Maas, The Valachi Papers (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).
Messick, Secret File, pp. 96-97. Corroboration of the analysis
presented here was provided through numerous and exhaustive interviews with law enforcement officials at the DEA and U.S.
Messick, Lansky, pp. 90, 97-98. Additional corroboration was
provided by DEA officials in interviews in December 1977.
Report from Narcotics Division Agent Ralph Oyler to Narcotics
Division Chief Levi Nutt, March 30, 1926 (DEA Library, Washington,
Jonathan Marshall, "Opium and Politics of Gangsterism
in Nationalist China—1927-45," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 3
Henry Aubin, Who Owns Montreal.
Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 55-61.
Starkman stores' connections to Koffler were widely publicized at
the time in the Toronto Globe and Mail.
See also Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 167-169.
The Washington Post, November 6,1978, p. 2.
Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 233.
Ibid., p. 231.
Ibid., p. 225.
Ibid., p. 232.
Ibid., p. 227.
Ibid., p. 227.
2. THE KENNEDYS: ORGANIZED CRIME IN GOVERNMENT
Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election
Committee, 1976, with the Clerk of the Senate.
Pictorial History of Mafia; see also Clark R. Mollenhoff, Strike
Force: Organized Crime and the Government (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
PrenticeHall, Inc., 1972).
Senate Committee Hearings on Organized Crime and Narcotics, 1963.
Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election
David E. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1974), p. 9. Additional insight
and information on Kennedy was provided through interviews with law
Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 19.
Ibid., pp. 28,30.
Ibid., p. 28; see also William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid
(NewYork: Ballantine Books, 1976), p. 325.
Interview with DEA officials, December 1977; see also Messick,
Secret File, p. 197 and Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.
Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.
Ibid., p. 115.
Ibid., pp. 166,394-95.
Ibid., p. 378.
Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships: America in Peace
and War (New York: St. Martin, 1976), pp. 34-35; see also Koskoff,
Joseph P. Kennedy, pp. 403-4.
Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships, pp. 34-35.
Victor Navasky, Kennedy Justice (New York: Atheneum, 1970), p. 404.
Messick, Lansky, pp. 241-42. This viewpoint was also shared by
numerous law enforcement officials who were interviewed in the
course of researching the history of organized crime.
Who's Who in Canada.
Harold Macmillan, At the End of the Day 1961-63 (London: MacMillan
London, Ltd., 1973), 6:359-60. According to Macmillan: "The
President did not want to give us Polaris on political grounds, for
fear of upsetting all the European nations. . . . The arrangement
finally agreed was that we should be supplied with the Polaris
missile. . . . Our nuclear fleet was to be 'assigned' to NATO,
except in cases 'where Her Majesty's government may decide that
superior national interests are at stake.'. . . Three days' hard
negotiating — nearly four days in reality. The Americans pushed us
very hard. . . the discussions were protracted and fiercely
contested. . . ."
Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 439.
3. BRITAIN'S ASSASSINATION BUREAU: PERMINDEX
The former Shaw associate was Gordon Novel. Novel, an associate of
Clay Shaw and Carlos Marcello, was himself under investigation by
Jim Garrison for possible involvement in the Kennedy assassination
conspiracy. An expert in electronic devices (including highly
sophisticated surveillance equipment), Novel was employed by the
Marcello-Permindex group in New Orleans and apparently also by the
CIA through its Miami-based Double-Chek commercial front. Novel was
interviewed by the authors on several occasions during spring-summer
1977. In October or November 1977, Novel was arrested in an Atlanta,
Ga. suburb on charges of violation of bail conditions. The
conditions were set by a New Orleans Parish Judge after a 1976
arrest on charges of conspiring to burn down a commercial building
in that city. Novel is presently in New Orleans Parish jail awaiting
trial on the bomb-arson plot charges.
A series of articles appearing in Paesa Sera on March 4, 12, 14,
1967; see also Les Echos and Le Figaro during spring 1962 for
numerous news and editorial references to Permindex's role in the
assassination attempts against President de Gaulle.
Anonymous, The Permindex Papers, 1970, p. 58. This unpublished
manuscript was reviewed by the authors on condition that the title
of the document and the biographical material provided on its author
would be kept confidential. The Permindex Papers is not the actual
title of the manuscript. The author or authors used documents
prepared by the Justice Department and Treasury Department of the
United States government. Additionally, they cited public sources
including magazine articles, newspaper articles, and books. In cases
where the original sources were cross-checked, the original sources
will be cited directly.
Ibid., pp. 141-49.
Louis Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry into Kennedy Assassination
Lead to Montreal?" Le Devoir, March 16, 1967, Montreal; also
Canadian Dimension, September-October, 1967 (reprint).
Giuseppe Pantaleone, "An Interview," Panorama, April, 1970.
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 164.
From an unpublished interview with an anonymous Rome-based foreign
correspondent conducted in Rome, August 15-16,1978.
Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry."
In Italy, for example, the head of the Order of St. John Ambulance
Squad was directly implicated in the assassination of former Italian
President Aldo Moro. Baron Johann von Schwartzenberg was under
intensive investigation by Italian authorities as the suspected
mastermind of the Moro murder. Schwartzenberg was exempt from any
prosecution, search, or interrogation due to his diplomatic status
as an emissary of the Sovereign Order of St. John, Order of Malta,
which is recognized by many governments, including the Italian
government, as a sovereign state. Schwartzenberg died within a month
of Moro's dea'th in an automobile accident.
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 231.
Ibid., pp. 231-32.
Ibid., p. 161.
Allan J. Weberman, Coup d'Etat in America (New York: Joseph Okpaku,
1975) pp. 39-40.
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 73. The name of the courier was Maurice
Gatlin. According to testimony delivered by Jerry Milton Brooks
before the New Orleans Grand Jury investigating the assassination of
Kennedy, Gatlin was a "transporter" for both the CIA and Division
Five of the FBI.
Virtually all the book-length material on Sir William Stephenson and
the British Security Coordination-Special Operations Executive is
"official cover story" commissioned by the SOE to provide limited
exposure to aspects of its operations while withholding the most
illegal and anti-American activities. Two books that fit this "official
cover story" description, but which provide numerous references to
Stephenson's methods of operation, including his penetration into
every level of the U.S. military command with his SOE agents, are:
H. Montgomery Hyde, Room 3603 (New York: Ballantine Books, 1962)
and William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid (New York: Ballantine
Richard Deacon, A History of the British Secret Service (New York:
Taplinger Publishing Company, 1970), p. 296.
Anon., Perm index Papers, p. 265.
Ibid., p. 196.
Rodney Campbell, The Luciano Project (New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, 1977); see also Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano,"
Ogonyok (Moscow), October-November, 1978.
Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano," reprinted in English
translation from Ogonyok in Executive Intelligence Review 43 (1978):
As reported in the Permindex Papers, pp. 46-51, Permindex included
among its investors: Morris Dalitz, the organized crime czar of
Cleveland and Las Vegas and a personal associate of Lansky dating
back to Prohibition; Joseph Bonanno, the New York City and Phoenix
mobster who took control over the New York City-based Lionel
Corporation and used it as a business front for a variety of
criminal activities that included investment in Permindex; Carlos
Prio Socarras, the President of Cuba from 1948-52 who subsequently
became the chief of Meyer Lansky's gambling racket in Havana until
the Castro takeover.
Messick, Lansky, p. 241.
Canadian Who's Who (Toronto: TransCanada Press) Vols. 7, 8, 9, 10;
and (Toronto: Who's Who Canada Publishers) Vols. 11,12,13.
The most comprehensive documentation of the bankrupting of BCI is
contained in an unpublished report by Richard Freeman, "The Case of
Investors Overseas Services: Dirty Money International," August 12,
1978; see also Robert Hutchinson, Vesco (New York: Praeger
Messick, Lansky, p. 248.
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 105; and Messick, Lansky, p. 248.
George Nichols, "Exclusive: The Mossad — Who Is Behind This Secret,
Global Gang of Political Terrorists Who Intimidate Presidents?" The
Spotlight 39 (1978): 13-16.
The Economics Department of the University of Vienna, known as the
Vienna School, was founded as a joint project of the British Fabian
Society, the Rothschilds, and the Austrian royal Hapsburg family. In
1868, the British Foreign Office established the Royal Colonial
Institute at the initiative of the Sassoon family, among others. Its
principal sources of funding were the Hong Kong and Shanghai Corp.
and Barclays Bank. The head of the institute, Alfred Marshall, was
also the chief economist for Cecil Rhodes. According to the Official
History of the Fabian Society,
from 1884-92, Marshall, in collaboration with Fabian Executive
members Beatrice and Sidney Webb, founded three institutes of
economics. These three institutions to this day produce the
membership for the Order of St. John's Mont Pelerin Society.
The Vienna School was established in 1884 on the strength of London
School of Economics publications building the credibility of Karl
von Menger, head of the University of Vienna Economics Department
and the personal economic advisor to the Hapsburg court. Menger, an
impoverished nobleman working as a journalist, had been turned into
the personal economic tutor of Hapsburg Crown Prince Rudolph in 1876
by Baron Albert Rothschild, head of the family's Vienna House. Each
of Menger's disciples was a Rothschild recruit from the Hapsburg
nobility: Eugen Bohm von Bawerk was a member of the House of Lords
and three times Austrian finance minister from 1896-1904; Friedrich
von Weiser, also a Lord, was the Minister of Commerce.
In addition to Tibor Rosenbaum, some of the leading products of the
Vienna School are Friedrich von Hayek, Herbert von Mises, and
Who's Who in Great Britain; see also 1977 Annual Report of the Bank
The U.S. government has recently gone on record as believing that
David Graiver is indeed still alive. Graiver achieved notoriety when
his American Bank and Trust Company in New York City went bankrupt
in 1976, amid charges that Graiver had siphoned off some $50 million
from the bank and then disappeared. A federal indictment was sought
and gotten. When Graiver was reported to have been killed in a plane
crash, those charges were dropped. In June 1978, the U.S. Attorney
for the South District of New York petitioned for the charges to be
reinstated. The petition was granted the same month. See The New
York Times and the Wall Street Journal of June 3-30,1978.
Rosenbaum was a board member of the American Bank and Trust, which
acted as the conduit for various illegal payments — including the $5
million in bribes that Graiver paid to Argentine officials during
1975 to "persuade" them to purchase Canada's Candu nuclear reactor
system rather than the originally preferred Westinghouse nuclear
reactor. Graiver received these funds from the Canadian government's
official broker in that matter, Israeli broker and foreign
intelligence operative Shaul Eisenberg.
Graiver, Eisenberg, Rosenbaum, American Bank and Trust chairman Abe
Feinberg, were all proteges of Nahum Goldmann, the man who brought
most of them out of Europe through his 1938 deal with Heinrich
Himmler to select out Jews from Nazi Germany and occupied Austria.
Goldmann, the long-time head of the World Jewish Congreess, was
recently replaced by Chicago-based partner of Salomon Brothers,
Phillip Klutznik; he is the man who sold the American Bank Trust to
Graiver — he ran it on behalf of the Israeli government — in 1975.
Who's Who in Canada; see also Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's
Col. Sir Edwin King and Sir Harry Luke, The Knights of St. John in
the British Realm — Being the Official History of the Most Venerable
Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (London: Hills &
See New York Times Index citation on "Banque de Credit
Internationale" and "Tibor Rosenbaum," particularly covering the
period of September through December, 1974, for numerous references
to the exposure of Bank Hapoalim and related institutions'
involvement in money laundering; see also Katherine Burdman, "The
British Crown's Secret Financial Capability: Israeli Banking,"
Executive Intelligence Review 44 (IMS).
Criton Zoakos, et al., "The Black International Terrorist Assassina
tion Plot to Kill Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.," Campaigner Special
Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, 1977), p. 29.
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 87.
Ladislas Farago, Aftermath: Martin Bormann and the Fourth Reich (New
York: Simon & Schuster, 1974); see also William Stevenson, The
Bormann Brotherhood (New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1973).
Two Rome interviews conducted from August 10-16,1978, with
promi-nent Italian journalists and one Austrian journalist who
request to remain anonymous. The interviews were conducted by
members of the Rome staff of the New Solidarity Press Service at the
request of the authors.
Max Gallo, Mussolini's Italy: Twenty Years of the Fascist Era
(NewYork: Macmillan Company, 1973).
Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 97.
Ibid., p. 178.
Ibid., p. 213.
Ibid., p. 212.
Edward J. Epstein, Agency of Fear — Opiates and Political Power in
America (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1977).
4. PERMINDEX UNVEILED: RESORTS INTERNATIONAL
Messick, Lansky, pp. 221-51. Lansky had had his eye on the Bahamas
since the 1940s, but his attention was then fixed on his Cuban and
Las Vegas casino empires. (Castro's refusal to play ball with the
Hofjuden mob allegedly inspired Lansky to issue a $1 million
"contract" on Castro's life.) With the 1959 fall of the Batista
government the Bahama option became an imperative. Thus, it was no
accident that the British gave the go-ahead for legalized gambling
not only for their Caribbean holdings but in Britain as well.
Messick reports (p. 228): "All that was needed in 1960 was to find a
semirespectable front from which he (Lansky — ed.) could operate."
Ibid., p. 228.
Ibid., p. 229.
Ibid., pp. 230-32; see also Jim Hougan, "A Surfeit of Spies,"
Harpers, December 1974, p. 58; Frank J. Prial, "Concern Fights Crime
in Business," New York Times, July 26,1970, Business Section, p.
1, p. 11.
Messick, Lansky, pp. 230-231, 235.
Ibid., pp. 232-233.
Ibid., p. 232; see also Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.
Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.
Hutchinson, Vesco; see also James Hougan, Spooks: The Haunting of
America — The Private Use of Secret Agents (New York: William Morrow
and Co., 1978), pp. 390-392.
Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 54.
Ibid., pp. 66-67; see also Hutchinson, Vesco.
Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies,"pp. 54, 56: see also Prial, "Concern
Fights Crime," p. 11.
Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 66: Hougan's information is
corrob-orated by the authors' interviews with law enforcement
5. THE JACOBS FAMILY'S EMPRISE: SPORTS AND CRIME
Testimony of labor racketeer, James Plumeri (Jimmy Doyle) before the
McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures; see also
Congressman Sam Steiger's insertion into the Congressional Record of
the 91st Congress, "Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny."
Testimony of Plumeri before the McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal
Laws and Procedures.
From their positions in Cleveland and Buffalo, the Jacobs family was
a Bronfman link into the United States in alliance with the Reinfeld
Syndicate and the Big Seven Combine (see Section 1).
"Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny," 91st Congressional Record,
p. 5888; "Emprise: A Little More of the Iceberg Exposed," 91st
Congressional Record, p. 6830.
Many of the Justice Department officials who worked with Robert
Kennedy in the "Get Hoffa" campaign turned up playing supporting
roles in forcing Richard Nixon out of office, particularly when
Nixon demonstrated a commitment to go after organized crime. This
includes most especially Horace S. Webb.
Jeremy Jacobs admitted to the activities directed against Steiger
under questioning during 1972 hearings of the House Select Committee
U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "Evidence to Overturn the
Fraud-ulent Election of James Earl Carter," Campaigner Special
Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, November 26, 1976); U.S.
Labor Party Legal Division, "Conclusive Evidence of Carter Vote
Theft Goes Before Federal Court in Ohio and New York," Campaigner
Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, December 9, 1976). The Committee for
Fair Elections, a nonpartisan citizens group representing
participation from the U.S. Labor Party, the Democratic, Republican,
and American Independent parties, initiated official investigations
and selective court actions in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York,
and Ohio as the result of accumulated evidence of overwhelming fraud
in the general elections of November, 1976. In addition to extensive
regional press coverage of the specific legal actions, the
investigations and legal actions received national coverage on CBS
television news (The Seven O'Clock Report) by Walter Cronkite and in
the Washington Star by Jack Germond.
During those same 1976 general elections, the following additional
situations suggested similar evidence of election tampering on a
Rep. Richard Torny was convicted of vote fraud in the Louisiana
Democratic primary following a federal grand jury investigation.
Torny was removed from the congressional seat that he won in the
subsequent November general election.
Ron Paul, a former U.S. congressman, contested the general
elec-tions in Austin, Texas, in which he was narrowly defeated by
Democratic Party candidate Robert Gamage. Paul proved sizable fraud
before the courts: however, the judge ruled that sufficient
magnitude of fraud to turn the elections had not been shown and
denied Paul's motion to be placed in Congress.
Two witnesses to massive fraud by Congressman William Clay (DMo.)
in the November elections in St. Louis subsequently died under
violent and mysterious circumstances. Clay is linked to the Jacobs
family interests (see below in text).
"Critic Changes Tune," Courier Express (Buffalo, N.Y.), January 27,
According to a July 1978 edition of the Toronto Globe-Mail, Mark
Phillips stayed at the residence of Koffler when he went to Canada.
Courier Express, December 28,1970.
According to the June 15, 1972, Buffalo Evening News, Max Jacobs was
a heavy contributor to Scoop Jackson. 1
The information presented
here on the HongShang takeover attempt is on the public record and
was reported in the Courier Express.
Courier Express, February 24,1976.
The top Israeli purveyor of weapons to the Central American
dictatorships is one Shaul Eisenberg, who operates behind a myriad
of trading company fronts, of which the best known is "United
Development, Inc." with headquarters in Panama. Eisenberg is the
world's largest supplier of assassination weapons, as well as the
"godfather" of the Israel Aircraft Company, the manufacturer of
Israel's Kfir fighter plane. According to the Washington Post of
September 11, 1978, he is also one of the most senior operatives of
the Israeli secret intelligence, the Mossad. With specializations in
the Far East and Latin America, Eisenberg runs the Zurich Mossad station, under the day-to-day control of the
Zurich branch of Bank Leumi and hte personal direction of a
Swiss-based member of the Oppenheimer family. Apart from the arming
of such entities as the Somoza dictatorship of Nicaragua, the
capabilities of the Eisenberg operation include Israel's main
illicit connections to the Far East, where Eisenberg spent World War
II, and a significant portion of wholesale drug transshipments
across the Mediterranean route. Eisenberg build (and paid for in
cash) a building dubbed "Adia House" in Tel Aviv, housing most of
the Asian countries' trade representatives in Israel. He also has a
billion-dollar credit line in Hong Kong at the Standard Chartered
Zoakos, Assassination Plot, pp. 9-11. The information was
originally developed in a July 15, 1978 telephone interview with Paul
Bowden, the head of the Detroit Anti-Nazi Coalition and himself a
retired UAW worker.
Jeffrey Steinberg, "Jacobs Family and Related Organized Crime
Activities in the St. Louis, Mo. Area," an unpublished manuscript
(New York), October 1978.
6. THE PHILADELPHIA STORY
Phone interview with official of Paco Pharmaceuticals. For Ernst
Japhet control over Paco, see Charterhouse Japhet Annual Report,
Proceedings and Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the
Religious Society of Friends, 1978, cites "friendly presence group"
activities to conduct nonviolent demonstrations in support of human
rights for MOVE (p. 11-12) and operations request of $2000 per month
for work in conjunction with vigil at MOVE headquarters (p. 16).
According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, a diary was found at MOVE
headquarters after the September 1978 shootout citing support,
including financial support, from the American Friends Service
William Penn Foundation Annual Report for 1977 cites $120,000 to
Neighborhood Resources West (p. 39). The wife of the director for
the Movement for a New Society is on the board of directors of the
NRW. NRW funds Movement houses in West Philadelphia for "community
development," according to interviews with "members of both the NRS
and the Movement for a New Society. The Annual Report of the
Philadelphia Foundation for the year ending April 1977 and also for
1976 cites over $20,000 transferred to a "clearinghouse" which in
turn funds community projects (p. 14); see also Proceedings and
Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, pp. 183-84.
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