The Philadelphia Story

A long trail of indictments, fines and press stories leads to one of the most dramatic case histories of Dope, Incorporated, and to Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love. Under the direction of old Philadelphia Quaker families, whose roots in the opium traffic go back to the first years after the American Revolution, and with the cooperation of one of Britain's oldest opium-running families, the Philadelphia dope network can be charted from the wholesale production of illicit drugs down to the gutter.

Tucked away in the towering Sun Oil building in downtown Philadelphia are the small corporate headquarters of an obscure firm known as Paco Pharmaceuticals. Paco has only one line of business: it packages roughly two-thirds of the amphetamine tablets sold in the United States, under contract from the old Quaker pharmaceuticals companies in the Philadelphia area, including Smith, Kline and French, Rohm and Haas, and Pennwalt. It publishes no annual report or other information concerning its activities, except for one crucial fact: it is owned by Charterhouse Japhet, the present incarnation of the old Japhet family opium interests. Paco is also the source of most of the "leakage" of amphetamines into illicit channels in the United States. (1)

Federal agencies have tried to crack down on the Paco nexus for years, but have succeeded only in wrist-slapping its local collaborators. The record of citations of the amphetamine producers is lengthy. It includes:

  • A $200,000 fine imposed in October 1977 by the Drug Enforcement Administration on Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, after Pennwalt was convicted of 17 counts of questionable practices in the production of medicines containing cocaine.

  • A 1972 accusation against Pennwalt by the predecessor organization of the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, involving Pennwalt's use of Mexican subsidiaries to provide illicit channels of drug traffic in the United States with amphetamines. The BNDD discovered major accounting discrepancies between the amounts of amphetamine Pennwalt claimed it shipped to Mexico and the amount of amphetamine that actually arrived in Mexico.

  • A recent order by the Food and Drug Administration compelling Pennwalt to close a warehouse housing opium, ostensibly for manufacture into licit morphone under federal license, due to "leakage" of the opium.

  • In November 1976, CBS's "Sixty Minutes" news feature program accused Pennwalt of marketing amphetamine-based diet pills, with the deliberate objective of creating a "hooked" market of dependent amphetamine users. Commentator Mike Wallace cited a 1970 Pennwalt internal memorandum to substantiate this allegation.

The hard evidence of illegal drug trafficking by the old-line drug firms in amphetamines, and strong suspicion of similar trafficking in cocaine and opium, is the starting point for a chain of control that ends with the retail drug trade, terrorism, and crime on the streets of Philadelphia, leading through individuals in high positions in the city's top banks and "charitable" foundations. A November 13, 1978, expose of the Philadelphia Foundation in the Philadelphia Daily News brought to public light the incriminating information that had, independently, been gathered by a U.S. Labor Party investigative team.

One James Boudine, a director of Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, is the leading connection between the wholesale and street-level sides of Philadelphia's narcotics traffic. Until 1977 he was president of the First Pennsylvania Bank, in charge, among other things, of its support of the Philadelphia Foundation. Despite his departure from the president's suite, he remains on the board of directors and continues to direct the bank's "charitable" activities.

What First Pennsylvania's and other Philadelphia banks' funds went for became clear in the summer of 1978, when a member of a local leftist cult, known as "MOVE," killed a Philadelphia policeman with an automatic rifle. Heavily oriented towards drugs and terrorism, MOVE is part of a family of similar groups that functions under the umbrella of the drug-oriented Movement for a New Society, one of the ugliest concoctions ever to appear on the streets of the United States.


The Movement for a New Society and its more explicitly violence-prone outlets, such as MOVE, receive most of their funding from the Philadelphia Foundation and two associated funding conduits for the Quaker pharmaceuticals firm and the related Philadelphia banks. (3) The other conduits are the William Penn Foundation, controlled by the five members of the Haas pharmaceuticals family who sit on the foundation's board, and by the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers).

The Yearly Meeting is no more a religious Quaker institution than Seagram Liquors or Emprise are religious Jewish institutions, but serves as a front for leading British-allied banking and chemical companies of Quaker origin. The funds of the Yearly Meeting are controlled by Robert Boudine—of the same Boudine family—in two secret accounts held at James Boudine's First Pennsylvania Bank, and shunted to undisclosed activities. Among known contributions is a $2,000 donation to the MOVE group, before the murder of the Philadelphia policeman attracted public attention. That contribution was only dis covered after Philadelphia police moved in to clean out MOVE's headquarters, and discovered a receipt for $2,000 from the Yearly Meeting of the Friends in MOVE's quarters.

The Movement for a New Society is the biggest law enforcement problem in the city of Philadelphia. Not only has it produced killers like those from MOVE, but its combination of pro-drug, pro-homosexuality, pro-pederasty, pro-environmentalist ideology provides an environment that breeds terrorists. According to its own publications, the Movement for a New Society provided the cadre who led the "Clamshell Alliance" demonstration at New Hampshire's Seabrook nuclear reactor site in 1977. New Hampshire police conducted mass arrests of the demonstrators after receiving information that the demonstrators planned terrorist action.

This antisocial organization receives its funds from the pharmaceutical firms and their bankers, through the Philadelphia Foundation, the William Penn Foundation, and the Yearly Meeting's $25 million secret slush fund. The William Penn Foundation funds the Movement to the tune of $40,000 a year. The foundation was established by Rohm and Haas. The Philadelphia Foundation provided the Movement's funding conduit, Neighborhood Resources West, with $6,472 in recorded funds in 1977. That foundation was founded under the auspices of officials of the Fidelity Bank of Philadelphia Banking Corporation. On the Fidelity Bank's board is John C. Haas of Rohm and Haas; its chairman is Howard C. Petersen, who also sits on the board of Rohm and Haas.

How little the operations of the Philadelphia Society of Friends resemble the religious principles of Quakerism is evident from one fact: their Philadelphia offices house the headquarters of,

1) the Venceremos Brigade, the mother organization for the terrorist Weathermen

2) the Susan Saxe Defense Committee, which conducted legal efforts on behalf of Weatherwoman bank robber Susan Saxe

3) the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, which officially supports the terror-bombings of the so-called FALN

The "Religious Society of Friends" designation is a misnomer. The Philadelphia Quakers operate through the American Friends Service Committee, an organization that religious Quakers have despised since its founding.

The American Friends Service Committee's spawn, the Movement for a New Society, funded through Quaker accounts, is explicitly pro-violence. One of its publications, a 1976 pamphlet entitled "Moving Towards a New Society," says: "There are a number, perhaps a growing number, of completely sincere humanist revolutionaries who believe that violence is necessary, although regrettable, and that only through armed struggle can the powerful American Empire be is important that we express solidarity with all who share our goals," e.g. Susan Saxe and the Venceremos Brigade.

The Quaker-funded Movement for a New Society also published a series of frankly pornographic manuals for their "revolutionaries," including such titles as "Gay Oppression and Liberation," "Liberating Sexuality," and "Take Heart—All Those in the Struggle." These publications advocate pederasty, "multiple sexual relationships," and public masturbation.


One of these publications, "Gay Oppression and Liberation," reports that "non-gays in the Movement for a New Society have made great strides recently in reducing their complicity with heterosexism." This is not only a breeding ground for the dope traffic and terrorism, but an expression of the cult existence prescribed by the original masters of the narcotics traffic (see Part IV). And it is the bottom line for the William Penn and Philadelphia Foundations.

Charterhouse Japhet's presence in the middle of this midAtlantic zoo is the link back to the highest levels of Dope, Incorporated, the queer alliance of Friends-who-are-not-Friends and Jews-who-are-not-Jews. The leading Quaker banking families in Philadelphia allied themselves with the Baring bank and the dope traffic in the first years of the American Republic.


The top British banks include old Quaker families, who have been represented in the United States for two centuries. Britain's largest bank, Barclays, founded in its present form in 1835, has been in Quaker hands for 200 years. Its representative David Barclay lived in Philadelphia during the 18th century, at the same time that the Baring Bank set up shop there. Barclays' board, as noted earlier, includes five members of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem, the chivalric dirty tricks arm of the British and related monarchies.

Charterhouse Japhet today is controlled by Barclays Bank, through an intermediary. Barclays controls Slough Properties, which functions as the de facto parent organization of Charter-house Japhet. Through its hold on the Japhet family interests, Barclays controls Israeli finance, by way of Ernst Israel Japhet, the chairman of Israel's largest finance house, Bank Leumi. Bank Leumi has just applied to the American regulatory authorities for permission to open a branch office in Philadelphia.

Consequently, the joint appearance of "Quaker" and "Jewish" financiers at the center of the Philadelphia Story is no accident. Neither of them have anything more to do with the two religions than does the Movement for a New Society's perverted gibberish. Under the control of the British oligarchy and the Order of St. John, they are the instruments of a British subversion plan in Philadelphia that, in the words of the Movement for a New Society's badly printed tract, wants to "topple the American Empire."

Back to Contents





  1. Canadian Jewish Congress Report, 1967-68, in commemoration of Samuel Bronfman.

  2. Ibid.

  3. Peter C. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, The Rothschilds of the New World (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1978), pp. 66-73.

  4. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 64.

  5. Hank Messick, Lansky (New York: Berkley Medallion Books, 1971), pp. 230-31.

  6. James H. Gray, Booze (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada, Alger Press, 1972).

  7. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 127.

  8. Russell Sage Foundation, 1907-1946 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947), Volume 1.. Loanshark operation surveys were also conducted in Illinois and Kentucky.

  9. Hank Messick, Secret File (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), pp. 277-78.

  10. Torrio's rise to power has been chronicled in hundreds of books and press accounts dealing with the history of organized crime and with the "Capone" Chicago organization in particular. See Don Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia (New York: Pyramid Books, 1974); Ralph Salerno and John S. Tompkins, The Crime Confederation (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1969); Martin A. Gosch and Richard Hammer, The Last Testament of Lucky Luciano (New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc., 1974). Additional insight was provided through numerous interviews with law enforcement officials at the U.S. Customs Bureau and Drug Enforcement Administration.

  11. Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 150; see also Donald R. Cressey, Theft of the Nation: The Structure and Operations of Organized Crime in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), pp. 29-53.

  12. Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 461. Figures vary for the death toll reached during the war period; however, on the night that New York boss Salvatore Maranzano — September 11, 1931 — was assassinated and the immediate 48-hour period following, it is estimated that 40 gang leaders were killed in the overall purge. See also: Donald R. Cressey, Theft of the Nation, pp. 29-53. and Peter Maas, The Valachi Papers (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).

  13. Messick, Secret File, pp. 96-97. Corroboration of the analysis presented here was provided through numerous and exhaustive interviews with law enforcement officials at the DEA and U.S. Customs Bureau.

  14. Messick, Lansky, pp. 90, 97-98. Additional corroboration was provided by DEA officials in interviews in December 1977.

  15. Report from Narcotics Division Agent Ralph Oyler to Narcotics Division Chief Levi Nutt, March 30, 1926 (DEA Library, Washington, D.C.).

  16. Jonathan Marshall, "Opium and Politics of Gangsterism in Nationalist China—1927-45," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 3 (1976): 19-48.

  17. Ibid.

  18. Henry Aubin, Who Owns Montreal.

  19. Ibid.

  20. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 55-61.

  21. Starkman stores' connections to Koffler were widely publicized at the time in the Toronto Globe and Mail.

  22. See also Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 167-169.

  23. The Washington Post, November 6,1978, p. 2.

  24. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 233.

  25. Ibid., p. 231.

  26. Ibid., p. 225.

  27. Ibid., p. 232.

  28. Ibid., p. 227.

  29. Ibid., p. 227.


  1. Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election Committee, 1976, with the Clerk of the Senate.

  2. Pictorial History of Mafia; see also Clark R. Mollenhoff, Strike Force: Organized Crime and the Government (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall, Inc., 1972).

  3. Senate Committee Hearings on Organized Crime and Narcotics, 1963.

  4. Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election Committee, 1976.

  5. David E. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1974), p. 9. Additional insight and information on Kennedy was provided through interviews with law enforcement officials.

  6. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 19.

  7. Ibid., pp. 28,30.

  8. Ibid., p. 28; see also William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid (NewYork: Ballantine Books, 1976), p. 325.

  9. Interview with DEA officials, December 1977; see also Messick, Secret File, p. 197 and Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.

  10. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.

  11. Ibid., p. 115.

  12. Ibid., pp. 166,394-95.

  13. Ibid., p. 378.

  14. Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships: America in Peace and War (New York: St. Martin, 1976), pp. 34-35; see also Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, pp. 403-4.

  15. Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships, pp. 34-35.

  16. Victor Navasky, Kennedy Justice (New York: Atheneum, 1970), p. 404.

  17. Ibid.

  18. Messick, Lansky, pp. 241-42. This viewpoint was also shared by numerous law enforcement officials who were interviewed in the course of researching the history of organized crime.

  19. Who's Who in Canada.

  20. Harold Macmillan, At the End of the Day 1961-63 (London: MacMillan London, Ltd., 1973), 6:359-60. According to Macmillan: "The President did not want to give us Polaris on political grounds, for fear of upsetting all the European nations. . . . The arrangement finally agreed was that we should be supplied with the Polaris missile. . . . Our nuclear fleet was to be 'assigned' to NATO, except in cases 'where Her Majesty's government may decide that superior national interests are at stake.'. . . Three days' hard negotiating — nearly four days in reality. The Americans pushed us very hard. . . the discussions were protracted and fiercely contested. . . ."

  21. Ibid.

  22. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 439.


  1. The former Shaw associate was Gordon Novel. Novel, an associate of Clay Shaw and Carlos Marcello, was himself under investigation by Jim Garrison for possible involvement in the Kennedy assassination conspiracy. An expert in electronic devices (including highly sophisticated surveillance equipment), Novel was employed by the Marcello-Permindex group in New Orleans and apparently also by the CIA through its Miami-based Double-Chek commercial front. Novel was interviewed by the authors on several occasions during spring-summer 1977. In October or November 1977, Novel was arrested in an Atlanta, Ga. suburb on charges of violation of bail conditions. The conditions were set by a New Orleans Parish Judge after a 1976 arrest on charges of conspiring to burn down a commercial building in that city. Novel is presently in New Orleans Parish jail awaiting trial on the bomb-arson plot charges.

  2. A series of articles appearing in Paesa Sera on March 4, 12, 14, 1967; see also Les Echos and Le Figaro during spring 1962 for numerous news and editorial references to Permindex's role in the assassination attempts against President de Gaulle.

  3. Anonymous, The Permindex Papers, 1970, p. 58. This unpublished manuscript was reviewed by the authors on condition that the title of the document and the biographical material provided on its author would be kept confidential. The Permindex Papers is not the actual title of the manuscript. The author or authors used documents prepared by the Justice Department and Treasury Department of the United States government. Additionally, they cited public sources including magazine articles, newspaper articles, and books. In cases where the original sources were cross-checked, the original sources will be cited directly.

  4. Ibid., pp. 141-49.

  5. Louis Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry into Kennedy Assassination Lead to Montreal?" Le Devoir, March 16, 1967, Montreal; also Canadian Dimension, September-October, 1967 (reprint).

  6. Giuseppe Pantaleone, "An Interview," Panorama, April, 1970.

  7. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 164.

  8. From an unpublished interview with an anonymous Rome-based foreign correspondent conducted in Rome, August 15-16,1978.

  9. Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry."

  10. Ibid.

  11. Ibid.

  12. In Italy, for example, the head of the Order of St. John Ambulance Squad was directly implicated in the assassination of former Italian President Aldo Moro. Baron Johann von Schwartzenberg was under intensive investigation by Italian authorities as the suspected mastermind of the Moro murder. Schwartzenberg was exempt from any prosecution, search, or interrogation due to his diplomatic status as an emissary of the Sovereign Order of St. John, Order of Malta, which is recognized by many governments, including the Italian government, as a sovereign state. Schwartzenberg died within a month of Moro's dea'th in an automobile accident.

  13. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 231.

  14. Ibid., pp. 231-32.

  15. Ibid., p. 161.

  16. Allan J. Weberman, Coup d'Etat in America (New York: Joseph Okpaku, 1975) pp. 39-40.

  17. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 73. The name of the courier was Maurice Gatlin. According to testimony delivered by Jerry Milton Brooks before the New Orleans Grand Jury investigating the assassination of Kennedy, Gatlin was a "transporter" for both the CIA and Division Five of the FBI.

  18. Virtually all the book-length material on Sir William Stephenson and the British Security Coordination-Special Operations Executive is "official cover story" commissioned by the SOE to provide limited exposure to aspects of its operations while withholding the most illegal and anti-American activities. Two books that fit this "official cover story" description, but which provide numerous references to Stephenson's methods of operation, including his penetration into every level of the U.S. military command with his SOE agents, are: H. Montgomery Hyde, Room 3603 (New York: Ballantine Books, 1962) and William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid (New York: Ballantine Books, 1976).

  19. Richard Deacon, A History of the British Secret Service (New York: Taplinger Publishing Company, 1970), p. 296.

  20. Anon., Perm index Papers, p. 265.

  21. Ibid., p. 196.

  22. Rodney Campbell, The Luciano Project (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1977); see also Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano," Ogonyok (Moscow), October-November, 1978.

  23. Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano," reprinted in English translation from Ogonyok in Executive Intelligence Review 43 (1978): 38.

  24. As reported in the Permindex Papers, pp. 46-51, Permindex included among its investors: Morris Dalitz, the organized crime czar of Cleveland and Las Vegas and a personal associate of Lansky dating back to Prohibition; Joseph Bonanno, the New York City and Phoenix mobster who took control over the New York City-based Lionel Corporation and used it as a business front for a variety of criminal activities that included investment in Permindex; Carlos Prio Socarras, the President of Cuba from 1948-52 who subsequently became the chief of Meyer Lansky's gambling racket in Havana until the Castro takeover.

  25. Messick, Lansky, p. 241.

  26. Canadian Who's Who (Toronto: TransCanada Press) Vols. 7, 8, 9, 10; and (Toronto: Who's Who Canada Publishers) Vols. 11,12,13.

  27. The most comprehensive documentation of the bankrupting of BCI is contained in an unpublished report by Richard Freeman, "The Case of Investors Overseas Services: Dirty Money International," August 12, 1978; see also Robert Hutchinson, Vesco (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974).

  28. Messick, Lansky, p. 248.

  29. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 105; and Messick, Lansky, p. 248.

  30. George Nichols, "Exclusive: The Mossad — Who Is Behind This Secret, Global Gang of Political Terrorists Who Intimidate Presidents?" The Spotlight 39 (1978): 13-16.

  31. The Economics Department of the University of Vienna, known as the Vienna School, was founded as a joint project of the British Fabian Society, the Rothschilds, and the Austrian royal Hapsburg family. In 1868, the British Foreign Office established the Royal Colonial Institute at the initiative of the Sassoon family, among others. Its principal sources of funding were the Hong Kong and Shanghai Corp. and Barclays Bank. The head of the institute, Alfred Marshall, was also the chief economist for Cecil Rhodes. According to the Official History of the Fabian Society,
    from 1884-92, Marshall, in collaboration with Fabian Executive members Beatrice and Sidney Webb, founded three institutes of economics. These three institutions to this day produce the membership for the Order of St. John's Mont Pelerin Society.
    The Vienna School was established in 1884 on the strength of London School of Economics publications building the credibility of Karl von Menger, head of the University of Vienna Economics Department and the personal economic advisor to the Hapsburg court. Menger, an impoverished nobleman working as a journalist, had been turned into the personal economic tutor of Hapsburg Crown Prince Rudolph in 1876 by Baron Albert Rothschild, head of the family's Vienna House. Each of Menger's disciples was a Rothschild recruit from the Hapsburg nobility: Eugen Bohm von Bawerk was a member of the House of Lords and three times Austrian finance minister from 1896-1904; Friedrich von Weiser, also a Lord, was the Minister of Commerce.
    In addition to Tibor Rosenbaum, some of the leading products of the Vienna School are Friedrich von Hayek, Herbert von Mises, and Nikolai Bukharin.

  32. Who's Who in Great Britain; see also 1977 Annual Report of the Bank Leumi.

  33. The U.S. government has recently gone on record as believing that David Graiver is indeed still alive. Graiver achieved notoriety when his American Bank and Trust Company in New York City went bankrupt in 1976, amid charges that Graiver had siphoned off some $50 million from the bank and then disappeared. A federal indictment was sought and gotten. When Graiver was reported to have been killed in a plane crash, those charges were dropped. In June 1978, the U.S. Attorney for the South District of New York petitioned for the charges to be reinstated. The petition was granted the same month. See The New York Times and the Wall Street Journal of June 3-30,1978.
    Rosenbaum was a board member of the American Bank and Trust, which acted as the conduit for various illegal payments — including the $5 million in bribes that Graiver paid to Argentine officials during 1975 to "persuade" them to purchase Canada's Candu nuclear reactor system rather than the originally preferred Westinghouse nuclear reactor. Graiver received these funds from the Canadian government's official broker in that matter, Israeli broker and foreign intelligence operative Shaul Eisenberg.
    Graiver, Eisenberg, Rosenbaum, American Bank and Trust chairman Abe Feinberg, were all proteges of Nahum Goldmann, the man who brought most of them out of Europe through his 1938 deal with Heinrich Himmler to select out Jews from Nazi Germany and occupied Austria. Goldmann, the long-time head of the World Jewish Congreess, was recently replaced by Chicago-based partner of Salomon Brothers, Phillip Klutznik; he is the man who sold the American Bank Trust to Graiver — he ran it on behalf of the Israeli government — in 1975.

  34. Who's Who in Canada; see also Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry."

  35. Col. Sir Edwin King and Sir Harry Luke, The Knights of St. John in the British Realm — Being the Official History of the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (London: Hills & Lacy, 1924).

  36. See New York Times Index citation on "Banque de Credit Internationale" and "Tibor Rosenbaum," particularly covering the period of September through December, 1974, for numerous references to the exposure of Bank Hapoalim and related institutions' involvement in money laundering; see also Katherine Burdman, "The British Crown's Secret Financial Capability: Israeli Banking," Executive Intelligence Review 44 (IMS).

  37. Criton Zoakos, et al., "The Black International Terrorist Assassina tion Plot to Kill Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, 1977), p. 29.

  38. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 87.

  39. Ladislas Farago, Aftermath: Martin Bormann and the Fourth Reich (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1974); see also William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood (New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1973).

  40. Two Rome interviews conducted from August 10-16,1978, with promi-nent Italian journalists and one Austrian journalist who request to remain anonymous. The interviews were conducted by members of the Rome staff of the New Solidarity Press Service at the request of the authors.

  41. Max Gallo, Mussolini's Italy: Twenty Years of the Fascist Era (NewYork: Macmillan Company, 1973).

  42. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 97.

  43. Ibid., p. 178.

  44. Ibid., p. 213.

  45. Ibid., p. 212.

  46. Edward J. Epstein, Agency of Fear — Opiates and Political Power in America (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1977).


  1. Hutchinson, Vesco.

  2. Messick, Lansky, pp. 221-51. Lansky had had his eye on the Bahamas since the 1940s, but his attention was then fixed on his Cuban and Las Vegas casino empires. (Castro's refusal to play ball with the Hofjuden mob allegedly inspired Lansky to issue a $1 million "contract" on Castro's life.) With the 1959 fall of the Batista government the Bahama option became an imperative. Thus, it was no accident that the British gave the go-ahead for legalized gambling not only for their Caribbean holdings but in Britain as well. Messick reports (p. 228): "All that was needed in 1960 was to find a semirespectable front from which he (Lansky — ed.) could operate."

  3. Ibid., p. 228.

  4. Ibid., p. 229.

  5. Ibid., pp. 230-32; see also Jim Hougan, "A Surfeit of Spies," Harpers, December 1974, p. 58; Frank J. Prial, "Concern Fights Crime in Business," New York Times, July 26,1970, Business Section, p. 1, p. 11.

  6. Messick, Lansky, pp. 230-231, 235.

  7. Ibid., pp. 232-233.

  8. Ibid., p. 232; see also Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.

  9. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.

  10. Hutchinson, Vesco; see also James Hougan, Spooks: The Haunting of America — The Private Use of Secret Agents (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1978), pp. 390-392.

  11. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 54.

  12. Ibid., pp. 66-67; see also Hutchinson, Vesco.

  13. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies,"pp. 54, 56: see also Prial, "Concern Fights Crime," p. 11.

  14. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 66: Hougan's information is corrob-orated by the authors' interviews with law enforcement officials.


  1. Testimony of labor racketeer, James Plumeri (Jimmy Doyle) before the McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures; see also Congressman Sam Steiger's insertion into the Congressional Record of the 91st Congress, "Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny."

  2. Testimony of Plumeri before the McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures.

  3. From their positions in Cleveland and Buffalo, the Jacobs family was a Bronfman link into the United States in alliance with the Reinfeld Syndicate and the Big Seven Combine (see Section 1).

  4. "Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny," 91st Congressional Record, p. 5888; "Emprise: A Little More of the Iceberg Exposed," 91st Congressional Record, p. 6830.

  5. Many of the Justice Department officials who worked with Robert Kennedy in the "Get Hoffa" campaign turned up playing supporting roles in forcing Richard Nixon out of office, particularly when Nixon demonstrated a commitment to go after organized crime. This includes most especially Horace S. Webb.

  6. Jeremy Jacobs admitted to the activities directed against Steiger under questioning during 1972 hearings of the House Select Committee on Crime.

  7. U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "Evidence to Overturn the Fraud-ulent Election of James Earl Carter," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, November 26, 1976); U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "Conclusive Evidence of Carter Vote Theft Goes Before Federal Court in Ohio and New York," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, December 9, 1976). The Committee for Fair Elections, a nonpartisan citizens group representing participation from the U.S. Labor Party, the Democratic, Republican, and American Independent parties, initiated official investigations and selective court actions in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York, and Ohio as the result of accumulated evidence of overwhelming fraud in the general elections of November, 1976. In addition to extensive regional press coverage of the specific legal actions, the investigations and legal actions received national coverage on CBS television news (The Seven O'Clock Report) by Walter Cronkite and in the Washington Star by Jack Germond.

    During those same 1976 general elections, the following additional situations suggested similar evidence of election tampering on a large scale:

    • Rep. Richard Torny was convicted of vote fraud in the Louisiana Democratic primary following a federal grand jury investigation. Torny was removed from the congressional seat that he won in the subsequent November general election.

    • Ron Paul, a former U.S. congressman, contested the general elec-tions in Austin, Texas, in which he was narrowly defeated by Democratic Party candidate Robert Gamage. Paul proved sizable fraud before the courts: however, the judge ruled that sufficient magnitude of fraud to turn the elections had not been shown and denied Paul's motion to be placed in Congress.

    • Two witnesses to massive fraud by Congressman William Clay (DMo.) in the November elections in St. Louis subsequently died under violent and mysterious circumstances. Clay is linked to the Jacobs family interests (see below in text).

  8. "Critic Changes Tune," Courier Express (Buffalo, N.Y.), January 27, 1977.

  9. According to a July 1978 edition of the Toronto Globe-Mail, Mark Phillips stayed at the residence of Koffler when he went to Canada.

  10. Courier Express, December 28,1970.

  11. According to the June 15, 1972, Buffalo Evening News, Max Jacobs was a heavy contributor to Scoop Jackson. 1

  12. The information presented here on the HongShang takeover attempt is on the public record and was reported in the Courier Express.

  13. Courier Express, February 24,1976.

  14. The top Israeli purveyor of weapons to the Central American dictatorships is one Shaul Eisenberg, who operates behind a myriad of trading company fronts, of which the best known is "United Development, Inc." with headquarters in Panama. Eisenberg is the world's largest supplier of assassination weapons, as well as the "godfather" of the Israel Aircraft Company, the manufacturer of Israel's Kfir fighter plane. According to the Washington Post of September 11, 1978, he is also one of the most senior operatives of the Israeli secret intelligence, the Mossad. With specializations in the Far East and Latin America, Eisenberg runs the Zurich Mossad station, under the day-to-day control of the Zurich branch of Bank Leumi and hte personal direction of a Swiss-based member of the Oppenheimer family. Apart from the arming of such entities as the Somoza dictatorship of Nicaragua, the capabilities of the Eisenberg operation include Israel's main illicit connections to the Far East, where Eisenberg spent World War II, and a significant portion of wholesale drug transshipments across the Mediterranean route. Eisenberg build (and paid for in cash) a building dubbed "Adia House" in Tel Aviv, housing most of the Asian countries' trade representatives in Israel. He also has a billion-dollar credit line in Hong Kong at the Standard Chartered Bank.

  15. Zoakos, Assassination Plot, pp. 9-11. The information was originally developed in a July 15, 1978 telephone interview with Paul Bowden, the head of the Detroit Anti-Nazi Coalition and himself a retired UAW worker.

  16. Jeffrey Steinberg, "Jacobs Family and Related Organized Crime Activities in the St. Louis, Mo. Area," an unpublished manuscript (New York), October 1978.


  1. Phone interview with official of Paco Pharmaceuticals. For Ernst Japhet control over Paco, see Charterhouse Japhet Annual Report, 1977.

  2. Proceedings and Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends, 1978, cites "friendly presence group" activities to conduct nonviolent demonstrations in support of human rights for MOVE (p. 11-12) and operations request of $2000 per month for work in conjunction with vigil at MOVE headquarters (p. 16). According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, a diary was found at MOVE headquarters after the September 1978 shootout citing support, including financial support, from the American Friends Service Committee.

  3. William Penn Foundation Annual Report for 1977 cites $120,000 to Neighborhood Resources West (p. 39). The wife of the director for the Movement for a New Society is on the board of directors of the NRW. NRW funds Movement houses in West Philadelphia for "community development," according to interviews with "members of both the NRS and the Movement for a New Society. The Annual Report of the Philadelphia Foundation for the year ending April 1977 and also for 1976 cites over $20,000 transferred to a "clearinghouse" which in turn funds community projects (p. 14); see also Proceedings and Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, pp. 183-84.

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