How the Royal Institute of International Affairs Runs Drugs and Dirty
Now we will take the reader up through the chain of command of the
world drug and dirty money business, to the top level of political
control: to Chatham House, St. James Square, London, the
headquarters of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. We
have inspected the books of Drugs, Incorporated, met the operating
personnel, visited its subsidiaries in Hong Kong, Bangkok, and
Peking, as well as its farms and factories in the Golden Triangle,
on the common border of Burma, Laos, Thailand, and the People's
Republic of China. The Far East drug traffic emerges as a single
business operation, a British-Chinese joint venture, in which
Britain is the senior partner.
It is obvious, by now, that an operation of this scope could not
exist without the political approval of the British government, nor
without the gigantic supporting facilities of the world's off-shore
credit markets, the world's gold and diamonds trade, and "hands-on"
management of the retail distribution, or organized crime aspects of
The next step is an introduction to the Board of Directors of Drugs,
Incorporated, and an overview of their multifarious ties
to the Far East opium growing and wholesaling operation, the
offshore dirty money operations, gold and diamonds mining and
distribution, the Canadian connection, the Zionist Lobby dirty money
installations, and the top levels of British policy-making.
The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank is not an independent malefactor, but
a special operation of the British oligarchy's top banks,
specializing in the Far Eastern drug traffic. The Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank's governing body, the London Committee, is the British
oligarchy's delegated group assigned to the Far East drug traffic.
More specifically, it is an economic warfare operation. Two of its
directors, J.H. Keswick of the family that founded Jardine
Matheson in 1828 to trade opium and J.K. Swire of the Swire
family of hereditary opium traders were senior officials in
Britain's Ministry of Economic War during World War II. Another
senior official of that Ministry is Sir Mark Turner, the chairman of
Rio Tinto Zinc, the HongShang's partner in numerous fields,
including gold operations. Turner is now a key figure in the Royal
Institute of International Affairs, founded by Lord Milner, an
earlier chairman of Rio Tinto Zinc.
What we will show here is that the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA) and its leading personnel control not only the
Far Eastern drug traffic but every important dirty money operation
on the surface of the globe.
The next section will further document the British monarchy's
control of the Canadian banks and corporations, the same
installations responsible for channeling drugs into and illegal
funds out of the United States. It demonstrates that the direct
agency of control over Canada's huge financial warfare apparatus
is the Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA), a mock-up
of Britain's RIIA, created by the RIIA in the first place.
in the Canadian operation are the Bank of Nova Scotia's domination
of Canada's gold market, Canadian banks' huge role in Caribbean
Silver Triangle dirty money operations, and most important the
direct links between the hard-core Far East drug wholesalers, and
the Canadian institutions that have participated in the wholesale
drug traffic on the North American continent since the closing days
Canadian outpost of the British monarchy, the drug traders close the
circle between the Keswick family of Hong Kong, the founders of
Jardine Matheson in 1828, and the Bronfman family, the immediate
sponsors of the top levels of so-called organized crime in the
From their base in the $200 billion dirty money traffic, the institutions assembled in force on the leading committees of the RIIA
1) All of Britain's top commercial banks directly
2) Both big
British oil companies, British Petroleum and Royal
Dutch Shell directly
3) All the leading British meindirectly
The world gold and diamonds trade
5) Every leading old-line opium P&O Steamship Company, Jardine Sons, and Charterhouse Japhet,
GOAL: REBUILD THE EMPIRE
Now that the command structure of the worldwide operation is
evident, we are going to examine the content of the Royal Institute
of International Affairs' subversive activities, following through
the careers of some of its leading operatives including Sir John
Henry Keswick, member of the family which controls the Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank, and from the old Jardine Matheson opium trading firm;
and the current chairman of the Council of the RIIA, Lord Humphrey
Trevelyan, member of the board of directors of HongShang's
gold-smuggling subsidiary, the British Bank of the Middle East.
These are the men who created the Peking Connection in its modern
According to the Charter of the RIIA published in 1920, the Royal
Institute of International Affairs is "an unofficial and non
political body," whose object is "to advance the sciences of
international politics, economics, and jurisprudence," to "provide
and maintain means of information upon international questions,"
and "to promote the study and investigation of such questions." Few
times in the history of the written word have so many lies appeared
in so few lines.
However, a concise summary of the RIIA's purposes appears in its de
facto founding document, Cecil Rhodes's 1877 bequest. Rhodes, who
founded both the gold and diamond mining empire that still dominates
world markets under the aegis of Anglo-American and De Beers, and
also founded the dope-trading Standard Bank (the African partner of
the Asian-based Chartered Bank, since merged), is the starting point
for the present form of the disease. Rhodes left his wealth to the
Rhodes Trust, administered by Lord Milner. Milner's collection of
Oxford trainees, called the "Milner Kindergarten," made up most of
the 1916 Lloyd George government, and formed the RIIA at a meeting
in Versailles on May 30,1919.
Rhodes's 1877 will was:
To establish a trust, to and for the establishment and promotion and
development of a secret society, the true aim and object whereof
shall be the extension of British rule throughout the world, the
perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom and the
colonization by British subjects of all lands wherein the means of
livelihood are attainable by energy, labor, and enterprise, and
especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire
continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the valley of the Euphrates, the
islands of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South America, the
islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain,
the whole of the Malay Archipelago, the seaboard of China and Japan,
the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral
part of the British Empire, the consolidation of the whole Empire,
the inauguration of a system of colonial representation in the
Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed
members of the Empire, and finally, the foundation of so great a
power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the best
interests of humanity. (1) (emphasis added)
The secret society concept was passed on by Milner, Rhodes's
successor as High Commissioner in South Africa, through
Milner's trainees Lionel Curtis (of the Round Table Group), and
Robert Cecil whose family dates back to the Genoa-Amsterdam coup
against Elizabethan humanism in 1601. Curtis and Cecil both
participated in the May 1919 meeting at Versailles which founded the RIIA.
The Royal Institute for International Affairs is the secret society.
1949: The British-Peking deal
Let us backtrack, for a moment, to the point of origin of the Lon
don-Peking joint drug-running venture in the Far East, the wartime
deal between the RIIA and Chou En-lai. Detailed records of the
relevant years have recently been made available. In August 1978,
the U.S. State Department released 1,300 pages of documents to the
public dealing with American diplomacy in China at the time of the
Maoist takeover. (2) From the British side, the RIIA in 1977
released its own records of its wartime and postwar operations group
in the region, the Far East Committee
the real British Foreign Office. (3)
Both sets of documents yield the same interpretation: the creation
of the People's Republic of China included an alliance between the
British dope-runners and the Chinese dope-runners. This was
negotiated from the British side by Sir John Henry Keswick and
from the Chinese side by Chou En-lai. The Chinese team also
prominently included top figures in the opium trade, such as the
Bank of China's Chi Ch'ao-ting, Shanghai Commercial Bank's K.P. Chen (who also headed the Chinese wing of the Institute for
Pacific Relations), and elements of the so-called Green Gangs. The
Green Gangs, which could be called the Chinese mafia, ran the opium
trade not only in the Far East but through the far-flung networks of
the Chinese expatriate community.
From both the British and the Chinese side, the alliance was
explicitly against the United States. The Chinese knew it, and said
so, the British knew it, and said so, and American diplomats cabled
home that the United States had been shafted. (4)
When the top representatives of Britain's RIIA began soundings in
the Chinese Communist stronghold of Yenan and at Chou En-lai's
Chungking legation during the World War II period, they had reasons
dating back a century to expect results. China lost the opium wars
because such a large section of officialdom had been corrupted
through opium dependency.
But the credit for the re-creation of the alliance between Britain
and the modern equivalent of the Triad gangs must go to Sir John
Henry Keswick, the RIIA's man-on-the-spot at the British Embassy in
Chungking during the crucial period of World War II. It is known
that Keswick was in regular contact with Chou En-lai in his capacity
as a prominent businessman and through his attachment to the British
embassy in Chungking. Chou was in Chungking from 1937 through the
Keswick, of the hereditary drug-trading family that founded and
still controls Jardine Matheson, also represented the RIIA and its
sub-branch, the Institute for Pacific Relations, to the United
States. (6) Sir John Henry is still Britain's number one man for
China policy, Chairman of Britain's China Association,
Vice-President of the Sino-British Trade Council, and a member of
the Great Britain-China Committee. (His predecessor at the China
Association from 1951-55 was John Kidston Swire, of the old
opium-trading Swire family, who still sits on the London Committee
of the HongShang.)
Two pieces of eyewitness testimony from Mao Tse-tung's wartime
hideout in China's northern Yenan province bear comparison. The
first is the report by Peter Vladimirov, the Soviet liaison to Mao's
headquarters in Yenan during 1941-45. According to the
Soviet-published Vladimirov Diaries, the Chinese Communist Party
operating in Yenan grew opium for profit, not only for medicinal
uses. Opium had been a major cash crop for Yenan before Mao's
arrival; Vladimirov claimed that Mao continued the practice. The
Soviet representative also suspected the CPC's chairman's close
contact with American visitors connected to the Institute for
Pacific Relations. (7)
A second account appeared in the January 1978 issue of International
Affairs, the journal Of the RIIA:
Victor Farmer, who was a director of Imperial Chemical Industries
(China) and who in 1944 had recently returned from a visit to the
Far East (stated): "I have met some (Chinese) Communists and their
ideas are very open-minded. If you could get rid of this
ultra-nationalist clique in the saddle at present in Chungking, and
many Government officials are extremely broad-minded, I think that
the way would be open for a compromise with the Communists; and an
effective compromise." (8)
The view Farmer expressed on behalf of the RIIA's Far Eastern
Committee had already surfaced in the United States through the
committee's American branch, the Institute for Pacific Relations
(IPR), the institution that produced the pro-Maoist group in the
U.S. State Department centered around John Stuart Service and John
Carter Vincent. Although the IPR included American citizens and was
funded through the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations, it
functioned exclusively as a branch of the RIIA and British
The IPR's two most prominent general secretaries,
Edward Carter and William Holland, had extensive British pedigrees.
Carter, whose reign as IPR chief lasted until 1946, was a leader of
the international YMCA, while his successor Holland was a citizen of
New Zealand until 1943 and a member of London's Royal Institute.
The dead giveaway on the IPR's British character is the
organization's move to Canada subsequent to the 1950 McCarran
Committee investigation, which mistook pro-British treason for
pro-Communist treason. With hearty British cheers, the disgraced
Institute for Pacific Relations moved to Canada.
Britain's support for the IPR was further expressed by the chairman
of the RIIA's Far Eastern Group, Sir Andrew McFadyean (who in 1947
became the chairman of S.G. Warburg's, the merchant bank). In a 1952
letter he wrote:
"The fact that I have criticized certain activities
and certain officers of the IPR entitles me to say with greater
emphasis, firstly that it would have been a useless body if it had
not represented a wide
variety of political views, and secondly that throughout my
acquaintance with the Institute its governing body, while respecting the rights of free expression, has never encouraged or countenanced subversive views." (9)
Once in Canada, the IPR came under the official sponsorship of the
Canadian Institute of International Affairs, the local RIIA
subsidiary, and its chairman now "honorary Chairman for Life"
Walter Lockhart Gordon. During the last 30 years, Gordon has been
the most consistent North American apologist for Maoist China.
Gordon currently has direct personal ties to Canada's "old China
hands," including Dr. Paul Lin, Chester Ronning, and
All three served as advisors to Chinese Premier Chou En-lai; Paul
Lin's official duties as an aide to Chou terminated only in 1965.
Lin, in turn, is a power in the expatriate Chinese community in
Vancouver, the most important transshipment point for opium entering
the United States.
The ties run back the other way across the Pacific as well. Gordon
sponsored the initial founding of the Chinese People's Institute
of Foreign Affairs in China, an official Red Chinese organization
that currently maintains links with the Canadian Institute of
International Affairs. Chester Ronning has been the Chancellor of
the University of York in Canada; Walter Lockhart Gordon arranged
funding for the Norman Bethune School at that university under
Ronning's supervision, the most overtly pro-Maoist institution on
the North American continent. That is the pedigree of the
British-created, British-defended, and still British-run Institute
for Pacific Relations. (10)
According to the RIIA's official account cited above,
the RIIA-IPR's function at the close of World War II was to propose
the John Service-John Keswick policy of fostering Maoism as the
"alternative" to Britain's shrill insistence on her colonial rights
in the area. Prime Minister Churchill still balked at the
self-determination provisions of the Atlantic Charter, namely that
Britain give up its Southeast Asian colonies.
ran so high in the United States, the International Affairs study
points out, that Henry Luce's Life magazine
urged the British people,
"to stop fighting for the British Empire
and fight for victory ... if you cling to the Empire at the expense
of a United Nations victory you will lose the war because you will
A poll taken in 1942 revealed that 56 percent of Americans questioned agreed that the British could rightly be described
as "oppressors . . . because of the unfair advantage . . . they have
taken of their colonial possessions."
The RIIA and the IPR's "alternative" posture was a retreat under
fire from an imperial position in the Far East to an alliance with
the Great Han chauvinists of the Communist Party of China. Any
suggestion that an actual policy difference intervened between the
"hidebound reactionary" Winston Churchill and the openly pro-Maoist
Victor Farmer of the RIIA's Far Eastern Group, is made silly by the
role of Jardine Matheson's John Henry Keswick.
Keswick was a prominent figure in the Shanghai International
Settlements, of which his brother, Sir William Johnston Keswick, was
chairman throughout the 1930s and until 1949. Britain had owned a
chunk of the city of Shanghai by the treaty that ended the Second
Opium War. The status of the Shanghai International Settlement was
one of the major policy conflicts between Roosevelt and Churchill,
since it represented a foreign colonial intrusion in an allied
nation. Britain's concern for Shanghai may also have been motivated
by the fact that it was the world's center for refining opium into
heroin. Keswick and the refineries both picked up and moved to Hong
Kong in 1949.
In January 1945, pro-Maoist Victor Farmer and John Henry Keswick
(with Andrew McFadyean) together led Britain's delegation to the
Institute for Pacific Relations's most important conference at Hot
Springs, W. Va. Ten British officials went along in tow with the
RIIA officials. The British delegation presented a softer front to
the Americans than the Churchill government was then willing to
officially concede. RIIA documents show that the queer combination
of Chinese Communist Party apologist Victor Farmer and old-line
opium trader John Keswick did the trick of mollifying the Americans.
"The general atmosphere here (at Hot Springs ed.) is very
much better than (at the last Institute for Pacific Relations conference at) Mont Tremblant. . . . There is much less disposition to
twist British tails just for the fun of seeing how the animal
reacts," McFadyean wrote back to the RIIA in relief. (11)
delegates included Treasury official Harry Dexter White, responsible
for selling to the United States John Maynard Keynes's British
blueprint for the International Monetary Fund.
Not until Mao's army marched into Shanghai in 1949 did the
Americans realize what they were in for. The new mayor of
Shanghai, Chen Yi, summoned John Keswick for secret talks, the
State Department documents reveal, virtually as soon as the
mayor arrived in the city. After a lengthy round of talks, Keswick
departed and called on the American consul-general. The
stunned diplomat later telexed back to Washington that Keswick,
"made a statement that he did not expect Americans to fare well
under the Communist regime, but did not indicate whether this
opinion was formed as a result of the conversation with the
Keswick was either threatening the United States or
relaying what the Chinese had told him, the consul-general
"He would hardly have invented this as a bluff to frighten
away American competitors," the American concluded
How ingenuous that evaluation was became clear within days.
Behind the backs of the Americans, the British negotiated a deal
to keep Hong Kong under London's control, and opened up
confidential lines of communications between the mainland and
Hong Kong. In wires to Washington, American diplomats accused
the British of tearing up the standing Anglo-American agreement
that all decisions respecting the Communist government would
be made in close consultations. "The Communists are obviously
trying to play off the British against us and seem to have
succeeded somewhat," one American official wrote. (13)
The British added insult to injury by maintaining an official
pro-Maoist propaganda campaign, which began far before the
Communists took over. British officials gave awards to leading
members of the CCP, even while maintaining "official"
diplomatic relations with Chiang Kai-shek, and gave lavish
public receptions for dissident elements of the Kuomintang, such
as the widow of Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese nationalist leader who
died in 1925. (Sun's wife is currently an official of the PRC
government.) Shortly before the Communist takeover, one journalist
"The British have a reputation for very smart diplomacy in
Asia. Part of this comes from their ability to spot key groups and
get on the right side of them. It is generally believed by observers
that the British now figure the intellectual left wing to be one of
the groups that will gain rather than lose strength in the political
changes of the next few years, and are preparing for this
American intelligence dispatches from 1947 reprinted in the State
Department release wrote:
"It is significant to note that shortly
after the Communist takeover of the key city of Shanghai, the
Maoists halted all anti-British propaganda." (15)
Creation of the Hong Kong drug nexus
Under the public cover of Anglo-Chinese mutual seduction, and before
the horrified eyes of American observers, the British and Maoists
created the financial infrastructure of what would later underwrite
the Far East narcotics traffic. Keswick's opening of channels
between Peking and Hong Kong permitted a division of the Shanghai
banking families between mainland China and Hong Kong; this 1947
division founded the expatriate Chinese connection between Peking
and London. (Apparently, other expatriate networks, like the Thai
bankers who date back to the 1930s, were consolidated in the same
fashion, al-though the same degree of documentation from the period
is not yet available.)
The Senate investigation of the Institute for Pacific Relations
revealed indirectly the role of the Royal Institute of International
Affairs in the creation of the drug-financing networks. The McCarran
Committee made public some of the correspondence of IPR General
Secretary William Holland. Holland, before his ascendance as IPR
chief in 1946, took over the China stations of the American Office
of War Information, an organization closely tied to the wartime
predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency, the Office of
Strategic Services. Holland was in frequent
touch with the head of the RIIA in London, which as noted above, had
created Holland's IPR in the first place.
In one of the letters available from the 1950-51 McCarran
proceedings, Holland informed the RIIA that a top Chinese Communist
banking official "may turn out to be one of the best friends we
have." (16) The official in question, Chi Ch'ao-ting, was a top
officer in the Nationalist Bank of China, until the Maoist victory.
At that moment, he shifted allegiance to the PRC Bank of China.
Moreover, Chi's defection was preceded by that of a whole faction
within the Nationalist Bank, which chose to "make a deal" with the
Communists rather than flee to Taiwan. This faction, according to
the 1949 State Department papers, made arrangements to communicate
with Chinese IPR leader and Shanghai banker K.P. Chen, who had left
Shanghai for Hong Kong, even after-the Communist takeover. (17)
It should be added that, as a matter of public record, most of the
Nationalist Bank of China's cash flow during the period of Chi's
service came from the opium traffic, which the Chiang Kai-shek
government continued throughout the war years. Chi's shift of
allegiance was merely the poppy stem's bending with the wind of
Chi's defection to Mao's Bank of China began an illustrious
career, during which he rose to a high position in the bank and
participated in international conferences for the PRC as well. As
noted, the Bank of China's financial connections to the West are
through Hong Kong, its reserves were and still are held with the
Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank and the Standard and Chartered
Bank, its remittances payments conducted through the same
banks, and so forth. Chi's move under the approving eyes of
Holland only typified what went on in the Shanghai banking
community at large. In the same dispatch to the RIIA cited
above, Holland reported on his contacts with leading Shanghai
bankers, citing the case of Chinese Shanghai Commercial Bank
chief K.P. Chen. Chen fled to Hong Kong shortly before the Communists took over, Holland reported, adding, "Impossible as it
now seems, I have an idea Chen will later go to Shanghai." (18)
An entire section of the Shanghai bankers resisted pressure by
the departing Nationalist forces to transplant their operations to
Taiwan. As in the case cited by Holland, they preferred to hedge
their bets between the British and the People's Republic of China.
At the lower levels of the narcotics traffic, the notorious Green
Gangs, the foot-soldiers of the traffic, broke en masse with the
Kuomintang forces, and moved into the Communist camp. Neatly and
speedily, the entire postwar opium apparatus had been redeployed
between Shanghai and Hong Kong.
One of Holland's close associates during the period was the Canadian
representative in Chungking, Chester Ronning still prominent in
the Canadian connection to the London-Peking drug apparatus. Utterly
enamored of the Maoists, Ronning met almost weekly with Chou
En-lai's chief deputy, Wang Ping-nan, during his 1945-47 tour of
Ronning's relationship with Wang Ping-nan has a special importance,
which we will indicate momentarily. Ronning went on to act as
midwife in the Institute for Pacific Relations's 1950 re-birth in
Canada after the scandal.
Both the State Department and the RIIA releases make fools of those
Americans who thought that the Institute for Pacific Relations had
"betrayed" American ally Chiang Kai-shek to the red menace. The
Kuomintang, a gang that couldn't shoot straight, was merely losing
the battle for Far Eastern opium. (There has been substantial
documentation, not immediately relevant to the present chain of
evidence, that remnants of the Kuomintang army in Burma continued to
grow opium for a quarter-century after the Communist victory, and
that some of their friends in the China Lobby, e.g. AirAmerica,
transported it for them.) In fact, the United States was sold down
the Pearl River by our British "allies," in combination with the
snickering Chinese. America's youth paid the terrible price of this
At the outset of the Korean War, the public amity between Great
Britain and China was reduced for purposes of public consumption.
However, the leading individuals who created the Peking Connection
continued to hold all the important strings, and maintained the full
continuity of the narcotics traffic. Despite the public hostilities,
the PRC operated freely on Hong Kong's illicit gold exchanges, and
present-day luminaries like
Stanley Ho (see Section 5) made their fortunes smuggling strategic
goods into China from Hong Kong.
THE EMERGENCE OF THE "CHINA CARD"
In 1951, Lord Humphrey Trevelyan took his post as British
Ambassador to China, the same man who today sits on the board
of the British Bank of the Middle East. Public contacts between
Lord Trevelyan and the Peking regime were necessarily low-key,
by the dictates of what even the British and Chinese consider
public decency. To cover their tracks the British claim that
Trevelyan did not meet Premier Chou En-lai during the first two
years of his stay in Peking, although they do admit that Trevelyan's fellow diplomat John Henry Keswick had had regular
access to Chou during the early 1940s in Chungking.
However, Trevelyan's stay in Peking was not without great
importance. Trevelyan set up the beginnings of the so-called
American opening to China, laying the basis for the "China
Card." His partner in this maneuver was Chester Ronning's old
Maoist contact, Wang Ping-nan. By this time, Chou En-lai's old
deputy of the Chungking days was the PRC's Ambassador to
Poland. Trevelyan set up the first American diplomatic contacts
with the People's Republic of China through China's Embassy
in Poland during the mid-1950s. America's contact man with
the Peking government was Ambassador Wang Ping-nan.
Trevelyan's further career is remarkable. After a brief stay in
West Germany, he went on to become Britain's Ambassador to
Egypt during the Suez Crisis the British-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt that wrecked President Eisenhower's world
development plan, the Atoms for Peace program. After a tour at
the British Foreign Office, he was Britain's Ambassador to the
Soviet Union during 1962-65, during the British-inspired Cuban
missile crisis. Currently, he sits on the board of directors of
British Petroleum, along with John Keswick's brother Sir
William Johnston Keswick, and various other members of the
boards of the HongShang and the RIIA council.
Lord Trevelyan completed the circle by taking the chairmanship of the Council of the RIIA, while keeping an active hand
in the opium business, through the British Bank of the Middle East.
Direct experience in the drug trade is apparently a standard
qualification for chairmen of the Council of the RIIA.
Trevelyan, Keswick, Holland, and Ronning were young men setting up
the Peking Connection during World War II, the chairman of the RIIA
Council was Waldorf Astor. Astor's great-grandfather, John Jacob
Astor, was a British agent-of-influence in the first years of the
American republic; according to his biographer, J. J. Astor was the
first American to get in on the drug trade alongside the British
East India Company, starting in 1816.
London's Royal Institute for International Affairs Drugs
and Dirty Money
The RIIA is not composed of the most influential people in Great
Britain the inner circle of the British monarchy and the orders of
nobility but rather brings together the chief operating officers
of the British monarchy's policies in various fields.
members include the following:
Lord Humphrey Trevelyan
Son of the
British historian George Trevelyan;
Chairman of the Council of the RIIA;
Chairman of the Trustees of the British Museum;
the Committee for the Tutankhamen Exhibit;
Economic and Financial
Advisor, United Kingdom High Commission for West Germany, 1951-53;
Ambassador to Egypt, 1955-56;
Undersecretary at the United Nations,
Ambassador to Iraq, 1958-61;
Deputy Undersecretary of State of
the Foreign Office, 1962;
Ambassador to the Soviet Union, 1962-65;
High Commissioner in South Arabia, 1967.
British Bank of the Middle East (100 percent owned by
Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank);
General Electric Company Ltd., 1965-75;
President, Council of Foreign Bondholders.
Sir (Roland) Mark
Council RIIA, 1949-50;
Deputy Chairman of the merchant bank Kleinwort Benson
Chairman, Bank of America International Ltd. (London), 1971-;
National Cash Register; Toronto Dominion Bank;
International Banks Ltd.;
formerly with Samuel Montagu and Co.;
Ministry of Economic Warfare, 1939-44;
for Germany and Austria, 1945-57.
Sir Frank Roberts:
Member of RIIA
Advisory Director Unilever;
Advisor on International Affairs
British Embassy in Paris, 1932-35;
Charge d'Affaires to Czech Government, 1943;
Commissioner to India, 1949-51;
Ambassador to Yugoslavia, 1954-57;
Representative to North Atlantic Council, 1957-60;
Ambassador to the
Soviet Union, 1960-62 (preceding RIIA Chairman Lord Humphrey
Ambassador to West Germany, 1963-68;
German Chamber of Commerce in the United Kingdom, 1974-.
Member of RIIA Council;
Deputy Chairman, Permanent Committee
on Invisible Exports, 1968-;
Deputy Secretary Ministry of
Permanent Secretary, Board of Trade, 1960-68;
Institute for Fiscal Studies.
Carmichael C.P. Pocock
Sir Arthur Knight
Member, RIIA Council;
Chairman of Courtauld's since 1975;
Rolls Royce, 1971-;
Member, Finance Committee of RIIA, 1971-;
of Governors, London School of Economics, 1971-.
Member, RIIA Council;
Editor of the London Economist, 1974-;
Henry Schroeder and Wagg Co., 1962-;
Investors Chronicle, 1964.
Economist staffwriter, 1947-8;
1948-58, executive director 1958-69;
Chairman Orion Bank, 1971-75;
Director, General Electric Ltd;
member Trilateral Commission.
William Malpas Clarke
Director, Committee on
Invisible Exports since 1966;
Director, Grindlays Bank Ltd.;
The London Times,
Member, RIIA Council;
Transport and Trading Co., 1961-72;
Morgan et Cie., International,
Times Newspapers Ltd., 1967-74;
Hawker Siddeley Group Ltd.,
Chairman, International Advisory Council, Morgan Guaranty
Trust Co. of New York until 1978.
B.A.C. Sweet Escott
Finance Committee, RIIA;
Group Finance Coordinator, BP Co. Ltd., 1962-;
Economic and Overseas Committees,
Confederation of British Industries;
Kleinwort Committee on
Finance Committee, RIIA;
director, Eagle Star
former director, National Westminster;
Rio Tinto Zinc.
Finance Committee, RIIA;
General Manager, Barclays
Bank Dominion, Colonial and Overseas;
former manager, Lloyds Bank
Again, Chart 2 shows that the leading members of the London
Committee of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank have extremely close
ties to the core RIIA group. The chart also shows that these links
continuously intersect two major groups whose activities are key to
drug wholesaling and large-scale laundering of dirty money.
first is the old-line British opium traders, including the
Peninsular and Oriental Steamship Lines, Jardine Matheson, John
Swire and Sons, and Charterhouse Japhet. The second is the tightly
knit complex of world gold and diamonds production and sales.
Lord Catto of Cairncatto is the chairman of the board of the
prominent merchant bank Morgan Grenfell & Co., which has close
ties of ownership to Morgan et Cie. International, one of Lord
Philip de Zulueta, the private parliamentary
secretary to Harold MacMillan when the latter was Prime Minister,
advisor to every Tory Prime Minister since the war, spent most of
his career with the leading British merchant bank Hill Samuel, also
the largest merchant bank in South Africa; he is thus in close
association with Sir Mark Turner, Rio Tinto Zinc's Chairman, and a
director of Midland, and International Banks, Samuel Montagu (owned
by the same families as Hill Samuel), and various gold and other
mining ventures in which Zulueta has interests.
Lindley Keswick, of the family that controls Jardine Matheson, now
occupies the traditional Jardine Matheson seat on the London
Committee of the HongShang, a tradition that goes back to 1864. His
father, Sir William Johnston Keswick, is also a director of British
Petroleum, along with Lord Trevelyan, Chairman of RIIA, and B.A.C.
Sweet-Escott of the RIIA Finance Committee.
The elder Keswick is
also the representative of drug wholesaling operations in the Far
East with respect to drug retailing operations in Canada: he is a
director of the Hudson Bay Company (see Section 8).
uncle David Johnston Keswick has been with
Samuel Montagu, a core RIIA bank, since 1930, as well as with the
family firms. Another uncle, Sir John Henry Keswick, is the top man
for British corporate policy towards China. He is Chairman of the
China Association, Vice-President of the Sino-British Trade Council,
and a member of the Great Britain-China Committee.
Swire, the Swire family's representative on the HongShang board,
goes back to World War II with RIIA Council Member Sir Mark Turner
and various other leading lights of the RIIA, when they all worked
on the Ministry of Economic Warfare. Sir John Henry Keswick is
another Ministry of Economics War veteran.
J.A.F. Binny and R.J. Dent are both directors of the National
Westminster Bank, one of the core RIIA institutions.
Turner, who retired as Chairman of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank in
1952 but remains on the London Committee, is still a director of
National Westminster Bank.
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Canada: North America's Hong Kong
Most heroin entering North America comes through Canada. This is the
estimate of authoritative law enforcement sources despite the
misleading publicity about Mexican supply routes, which are in any
case mostly transshipment channels for Far Eastern dope.
Virtually everything the reader now knows about the British Crown
Colony of Hong Kong applies to the British Dominion north of the
American border. The idea that Canada is a nation in the sense
that Americans understand the term is the product of low-grade, if
persistent, public relations efforts. Politically and financially,
Canada is run straight from the top by the British monarchy,
starting with the Governor-General whom the Queen appoints, the
Privy Council, and including the core group of Knights of St. John
of Jerusalem who control the bulk of Canadian business.
Canada's role in the drug flow to the U.S. is not much different
from its role during Prohibition as we will document in Part III
of this report. Canada transships most of the heroin entering the
American market, because it was created and maintained as a
British Dominion on the northern flank of the United States to carry
out precisely such operations.
Despite the British monarchy's iron grip over the highest levels of
Canadian public life, there are a few individuals well placed in
Canada, including in its law enforcement services, who look to
America rather than Britain as a model for Canada's future. At great
risk to themselves, they have fought a long rearguard action against
criminal activities that enjoy near official sanction. The
American public has heard little of their efforts because of
Canada's Official Secrets Act, modeled on Great Britain's own 1911
Official Secrets Act.
That legislation prevents any publication
or public discussion of what the government that is, the
British-appointed Governor-General chooses to regard as a state
secret. Given Canada's make-up, most drug-running, dirty money
laundering, and organized crime activity, including political
terrorism, fall into that category. Anyone who writes about this in
Canada will go to jail immediately and could, under the law, be
But without the help of Canadian citizens with access to
official sources, willing to take the risk, this report could not
have been written.
Three crucial cases
Before examining the structure of Canada's drug and dirty money
operations, a few leading examples will suffice to indicate the
nature of the problem. One is the personage of Walter Lockhart
Gordon, Honorary Chairman for Life of the Canadian Institute of
International Affairs (CIIA), the Canadian offshoot of the British
Royal Institute of International Affairs. The. CIIA receives most
of its funding directly from the office of the Governor-General.
Every Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs since the
CIIA's founding has been a CIIA member.
The CIIA is also the
official sponsor of the Institute for Pacific Relations, the nexus
of Britain's Peking Connection (Sections 6 and 7), after public
scandal forced the Institute for Pacific Relations to leave the
United States after 1947.
1. WALTER LOCKHART GORDON
Walter Lockhart Gordon's fingerprints show
up throughout this section. Apart from his lifetime post at the top
of the CIIA, he is a past chairman of the Privy Council, the
Governor-General's select operations group for running Canadian
politics (1967-68); he was finance minister from 1963 to 1965; and
is a director of some of the dirtiest corporate operations in
But most important, he founded Clarkson and Gordon, the accountants
firm that audits three of the five Canadian chartered banks: Bank of
Nova Scotia (of which Gordon is a director), Toronto Dominion Bank,
and Canadian Imperial Bank. Gordon's partner, Stephen Clarkson, is
also a leading member of the Canadian Institute of International
Affairs, as well as a leading sponsor of the Institute for Pacific
Relations. Through a network of accountants dispersed through these
banks, Clarkson and Gordon functions as a command center for the
most extensive dirty money laundering operation in the world,
stretching from the heroin receiving points in the Pacific
Northwest, to the branch operations of the Canadian banks in the
Caribbean Silver Triangle.
Gordon, as we shall detail below, is also Canada's chief con
tact-man for the Peking Connection (see Section 7).
2. THE EAGLE STAR INSURANCE COMPANY
A second example is the group of
British "spooks" who run the Eagle Star Insurance Company, which
heads the accompanying chart of the Canadian drug networks.
Eagle Star is one of Britain's largest financial corporations,
and a joint operation between Britain's top financial firms, including Barclays
Bank, Lloyds, Hill Samuel, and N.M. Rothschild & Sons.
Eagle Star, as the chart shows, runs the Bronfman family operation
from the top, through its control of English Properties, and English
Properties' control of the "Bronfman" Trizec Corporations.
The Bronfmans are what is known in intelligence jargon as "cutouts,"
or controlled front-men. What is significant here is Eagle Star's
special qualifications for controlling the Bronfman family's
corporate group, which, in turn, has been the seat of
Canada's rum-and dope-running, dirty money, and terrorist operations
since Prohibition. Eagle Star's management is British intelligence,
by an arrangement that traces back to World War II.
Two Eagle Star directors, Sir Kenneth Strong and Sir Kenneth Keith,
were Number One and Number Two men, respectively, in British
intelligence immediately after World War II when the Bronfman
family created its "legitimate" front Trizec with Eagle Star
funding. (1) Both men have kept up their close ties to Britain's
foreign intelligence service, MI6. Part III of this report tells the
story of the Bronfman family's dope-running, organized crime, and
terrorist activities. What is crucial to keep in mind here is that
the men who own the Bronfmans sit in the highest councils of British
In a pattern that has already become familiar, Sir Kenneth Keith
moves between the secret world of British intelligence and the opium
politics of the Far East. Keith is also a leading member of the
Canadian Institute of International Affairs. Among other leading
corporate positions, including a directorship at Canada's Bank of
Nova Scotia, he is the chairman of the Hill Samuel group of
companies, one of the leading British merchant banks, and an
incarnation of the old Samuel banking family's interests.
Sitting with Sir Kenneth Keith on the board of directors of Hill
Samuel is the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank's Sir Philip de Zulueta,
member of the HongShang's controlling "London Committee." Zulueta
was private parliamentary secretary to a string of British
Conservative prime ministers while Sir Kenneth Strong was completing
his career at British intelligence.
Eagle Star is a sterling example of Canada's role in drugs because
it contains every element of the drug machine: the Bronfman
family, which has spokes tying into the Zionist dirty money and
terrorist apparat; the top levels of British intelligence; and the
core of the opium trade, the HongShang itself.
3. THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY
The Hudson's Bay Company is the
appropriate starting point for a look inside the operations of
Canada's drug machine. During
Prohibition, it was the Bronfman's Seagram's partner in the "Pure
Drug Company," the main source of bootleg liquor during Canada's dry
The Hudson's Bay is also a front for the grand old families of the
opium trade, the Inchcape and Keswick families, the proprietors,
respectively, of the Peninsular and Orient Steamship Company, the
world's (and the Far East's) largest shipping fleets, and Jar-dine
Matheson, Hong Kong's dominant trading company. The 2nd Earl of
Inchcape, whose son still runs the P&O lines, wrote the notorious
1923 Inchcape report advocating the continuation of opium production
in the Far East to maintain British revenues. The number two man
today at the P&O, Vice-Chairman of the board Eric Drake, sits on the
board of Hudson's Bay.
Jardine Matheson's Sir William Johnston Keswick the chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Settlements during the 1930s peak
of Shanghai heroin traffic only recently retired as a director of
the Hudson's Bay Company.
William Johnston Keswick and Sir Eric Drake also sit together
on the board of British Petroleum, next to Lord Humphrey Trevelyan, the chairman of the council of the Royal Institute of Inter
national Affairs and Britain's charge d'affaires in Peking during
the critical years 1951-53.
Drake is also a director of the top British merchant bank Kleinwort Benson. As noted in Section 7, Kleinwort Benson's whollyowned subsidiary Sharps Pixley Ward jointly runs the Hong Kong
gold market with the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, a crucial
support operation for the Far East drug traffic. Drake's fellow
director, the deputy chairman of Kleinwort Benson, is Sir Mark
Turner, of Rio Tinto Zinc. Rio Tinto Zinc, in turn, was founded by
Matheson family money in the 1840s, and Mathesons ran Rio
Tinto Zinc until the turn of the century. To complete the circle,
William Johnston Keswick sits on the board of Jardine Matheson,
along with several directors of Sir Eric Drake's P&O Steamship
In other words, the Hudson's Bay Company, the most "Canadian" of companies, is run from the top by a combination of Far
Eastern old-line drug traffickers and their closest London
The Hong Kong opium connection goes even further. Sir William
Keswick's son, Henry Neville Lindley Keswick, a board member of the
Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, is also a director of MacMillan Bloedel,
one of Canada's biggest pulp and paper operations, closely tied to
the Macmillan publishing interests. The Macmillans took off as a
Canadian family when Harold Macmillanlater British prime minister
at the time of the Kennedy Administration married the daughter of
Canada's GovernorGeneral, the Queen's personal representative.
Governor-General in question was the 9th Duke of Devonshire, Victor C.W. Cavendish, who held office 1916-20 at the outset of
Prohibition; his son-in-law Harold Macmillan became his chief
assistant in Canada in 1919, the same year that Arnold Rothstein set
up the big liquor delivery contacts in England. The
Governor-General's son William helped Joe Kennedy make-contacts
among big English distilleries. The MacMillan interests started with
Prohibition. Today, through their association with William
Johnston Keswick who personally ran the Shanghai heroin traffic
during the 1930s they are up to their necks in the drug trade.
Canadian Pacific Ltd., the biggest company in Canada, holds a
controlling interest in MacMillan Bloedel.
Dope goes in, dirty money goes out
According to high-level Canadian intelligence sources, most of the
heroin that reaches North America is flown in through Canadian
Pacific Air. There is no "smoking gun" evidence to substantiate
this, but a November 1978 trial in Vancouver reveals evidence that
Canadian Pacific was involved in the smuggling of 22 pounds of
cocaine from Hong Kong.
Figure 7 neatly traces the flow of heroin and dirty money in Canada:
the drugs come in through Canadian Pacific and then are conduited to
points south of the border. Heavily interlocked with the Western
Canada connection is the Bronfman group, whose corporate center is
Seagram, and whose financial center is the Trizec group. Since
Prohibition, Seagram has handled the flow of smuggling into the
United States (see Part III).
Both Seagram (and its old Prohibition rum-running partner, Hudson's
Bay) are interlocked through a maze of contacts with all five of the
big Canadian chartered banks: the Bank of Montreal, the Royal Bank
of Canada, the Bank of Nova Scotia, the Toronto Dominion Bank, and
the Canada Imperial Bank. Thus the dirty money gleaned from the drug
trade is conduited through these banks to points further south: the
banks' offshore centers in the Caribbean and from there the money
makes its whirlpool round of worldwide laundering.
Canada's Big Five dominate all Canadian banking as fiercely as the
British Big Four Barclays, National Westminster,
Midlands do in Britain. Unlike the United States, which has a
relatively broadly spread base of regional banking, Canadian and
British banking is run from the top by the institutions named. The
Canadian institutions are barely distinguishable in their current
practice from the British buccaneers who plied the Caribbean during
the 17th century. Along with the British banks, which have numerous
joint ventures with the Canadians e.g., the Royal Bank operates in
the Bahamas under the "RoyWest" cover in a joint venture with
National Westminster they are the core of the dirty money
operations offshore of the United States.
The Royal Bank of Canada has 21 affiliates in offshore banking
and subsidiaries more than any other bank in the world save
Barclays Bank. Royal Bank's "RoyWest" connection to the
National Westminster Bank ties it closely to the Hong Kong and
Shanghai bank itself; HongShang has two mutual directors with
National Westminster, J.A.F. Binny and R.D. Dent. Dent is the
descendant of the old-line British opium trading family that
founded Lancelot Dent about the same time that Jardine
Among other links, the Royal Bank of Canada is tied to the
Bronfmans through Neil Phillips son of Lazarus Phillips, the
Bronfman family's lawyer and most trusted aide from Prohibition until the 1950s.
CANADA'S SILVER TRIANGLE
Royal Bank has the dirtiest reputation of any bank in the Caribbean. According to authoritative diplomatic sources, the
Bank of Canada directly ordered the Guyanese government to plant
marijuana in order to raise foreign exchange income. In 1976, when
Guyana went flat broke and applied to the International Monetary
Fund for emergency assistance, Royal Bank of Canada officials met
with senior members of the Guyana government. The Royal Bank
insisted that Guyana transform its economy into a "cash crop"
producer before it, or any other major bank, would issue loans. The
Guyanese were desperate and did what they were told. Northwest
Guyana, in consequence, has become a major producer of marijuana for
the North American market.
Second in the Caribbean offshore centers to the Royal Bank is the
Bank of Nova Scotia Walter Lockhart Gordon's bank. A top Bronfman
aide and figure in Canadian Zionist organizations,
R.D. Wolfe, sits both on the board of Seagram and the Bank of Nova
Scotia. Scotiabank has 13 branches in offshore centers, as well as
innumerable joint ventures and similar fronts.
Banking and diplomatic sources agree that the Bank of Nova Scotia is
the number one handler of flight capital out of Caribbean
countries, especially troubled countries such as Jamaica. Apart from
funds fleeing difficult political situations, much, if not most, of
all illegal money transfers out of the Caribbean. A large portion of
Jamaican illegal funds are conduited through a Jamaican national
currently employed in a senior position at the big New York
brokerage house Drexel Burnham Lambert. (2)
Scotiabank's Jamaican trade is a particularly filthy business, since
it involves shifting funds earned in Jamaica by local criminals
into safe havens. The cash side of the Jamaican operations,
according to law enforcement sources, is done more with arms than
drugs. Planes fly into Jamaica with loads of small arms, and take
loads of marijuana out. The retail side in Jamaica is arms selling.
The ultimate cash proceeds of the selling chain are then laundered
The Bank of Nova Scotia's role in Canadian gold markets, through its
own trading operations and its interlock with the chairman of the
second-largest Canadian gold trader, Noranda Mines, was already
noted in Section 4. According to informed New York gold market
sources, a substantial proportion of Nova
Scotia's flight capital operations are accomplished through illegal
purchases of gold by Jamaican and other nationals.
The same sources
add that Dr. Henry Jarecki's Mocatta Metals in New York (see Section
4 again) has a substantial share of Caribbean dirty money traffic.
The Canada-Peking connection
The starting point of any examination of Canadian drug traffic is
Walter Lockhart Gordon's close relationship to Canadian Pacific.
Gordon is Canada's grand old man, Honorary Chairman of the Canadian
Institute of International Affairs for Life, top leader of the
ruling Liberal Party, finance minister after 1963, and chief foreign
policy-maker in Canada for the past 30 years.
Gordon sits on the board of directors of Canadian Pacific and the
Bank of Nova Scotia; his accounting firm, Clarkson and Gordon,
handles the accounts of the Bank of Nova Scotia, Toronto Dominion
Bank, and Canadian Imperial Bank.
THE GO BETWEEN
Authoritative Canadian intelligence sources further identify Gordon
as the controller of Canada's three leading China specialists,
Paul Lin, James Endicott, and Chester Ronning, whom we met earlier
in Section 7. The association goes back in the cases of Endicott and
Ronning to the end of World War II, when the two returned from close
collaboration with Chou En-lai, to become the core of the
transplanted Institute for Pacific Relations in Canada.
Based in Montreal, Paul Lin is the go-between for Walter Gordon
and the Vancouver, British Columbia drug wholesaling and
transshipment operations. Lin's most important contact is the former
president of drug-shipping Canadian Pacific, John D. Gil-mer. Gilmer
is a Knight of St. John of Jerusalem, and the patron of People's
Republic of China fronts on Canada's West Coast. Paul Lin is his
In turn, Gilmer is the attorney for two open representatives of the
People's Republic of China in Vancouver, B.C., the Chinese
Commercial Corporation and the Chinese Cultural Center. The
Chinese Cultural Center in Vancouver receives funding from an-other
Knight of St. John, John Robert Nicholson, a close associate of
Both Gilmer and Nicholson are major funders of the Simon Fraser
University in Vancouver, which became the home of the Institute for
Pacific Relations after it was driven out of the United States. Paul
Lin's brother, Dr. Tsing Lin, is currently employed at the Institute
for Pacific Relations. All these men have been working together
since the Institute for Pacific Relations, as detailed in Section
7, served as the Royal Institute of International Affairs bridgehead
into the United States, and Chester Ronning was meeting weekly with
Wang Ping-nan and occasionally with Chou En-lai in Chungking.
Endicott, now an old man, created the leading North American center
of explicit Maoism, the Norman Bethune Institute at York University.
Walter Gordon was the university's chancellor for many years. Gordon
personally arranged the funding of the Bethune Institute, named
after a Canadian doctor who served in Mao's armies.
Gordon's accounting firm Clarkson and Gordon tries to keep its nose
clean of overt involvement in the drug trade. But one of its
escapades caused a public scandal in Canada five years ago. Clarkson
and Gordon put together the funding for Rochdale College in Toronto,
an experimental university that quickly became the most drug-ridden
college campus in Canada. By the early 1970s Rochdale College had
become not only a main center of illegal drugs consumption, but also
the retail distribution point for marijuana and hallucinogens
throughout most of Eastern Canada. When the story inevitably became
headline material in the early 1970s, Canadian police were compelled
to shut it down, as a matter of public decency.
Clarkson and Gordon,
who had created Rochdale College, sadly took the drug-ridden remnant
back, acting as its receiver and liquidator.
Who rules Canada
But the company to which Gordon is closest is Canadian Pacific,
which controls most of the dominion's air, sea, and land
transportation. It has directors in virtually every industry it does
Drug-RunningThe Canadian Connection
*Far East Opium Runners
As the accompanying chart demonstrates, it is
interlocked three ways with Seagram Ltd., the core of the Bronfman
group. The chart only shows a handful of Canadian Pacific's links to
the five major chartered banks; no fewer than 14 of its directors
sit on their boards.
Most important, Canadian Pacific features no fewer than four members
of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem on its board.
They include the aforementioned J.C. Gilmer of Vancouver, the
angel for every Maoist front in the city; W.E. McLaughlin, the
chairman of the board of the aforementioned Royal Bank of Canada;
and J.P.W. Ostiguy.
Only one other corporation in the world, Barclays Bank, contains
more members of the British monarchy's most elite order among its
directors. That fact alone establishes Canadian Pacific's
vassal-hood before the feudal rights of the British monarchy. In
terms of Canada's real chain of command, it is an honor for Charles
R. Bronfman to sit on Canadian Pacific's board.
The concentration of
Knights of Malta on the council of the Canadian
Pacific Company also clears up from a professional intelligence
standpoint why that company has special access to the Far Eastern
narcotics traffic. The chairman of the board of the Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank from 1962 to 1970 was Sir Michael Turner. When the
current chairman, M.G. Sandberg, replaced Turner in 1970, he
remained on the "London Committee" of the HongShang (as well as the
board of directors of National Westminster Bank, with two of his
fellow HongShang directors).
Sandberg was created Commander of St.
John, a high-ranking position in the elite order, in 1960. He is
still the chairman of the Council of St. John the organization of
the Knights in Hong Kong. The company most under the direction of
the Knights of Malta in Canada deals directly with the chief of
their order in Hong Kong.
At the other end of the Canadian drug cycle, the dirty money
banks, each of the five Canadian dirty money banks has at least
one Knight of Malta on its board. The Canadian Imperial Bank
and the Bank of Nova Scotia are directed by three Knights of
In addition, there is no question that the Canadian Institute of
International Affairs which has picked every Canadian foreign
minister of this century is not a Canadian institution, but the
local branch of the British monarchy's most elite chivalric order.
Canada's former Governor-General, Roland Michener, and current
chairman of the CIIA is also a Knight of St. John. A board member of
the Italian branch of the Order of St. John, the Order of St.
Lazarus, is a member of the CIIA's board, Henry R. Jackman.
Jodrey, another board member, is also a Knight of St. John.
The Order of St. John respects the same chain of command as do
Canada's Governor-General and Privy Council: the Queen of England,
who is the titular head of the Order, and the Queen's cousin, the
Duke of Gloucester, who is Grand Prior to the Order. These men
control the finances and logistics of Canada's economy. Through a
series of "cutouts," like the Bronfman family, they also control the
drug-running, the organized crime, and the political terrorism
directed against the United States.
There has been little effective challenge to their rule of these
forces in Canada since 1910, when then-Prime Minister de Laurier
attempted to organize a counterweight from within the British
dominions, including support from then Prime Minister of South
Africa, Botha. Lord Milner, whom we profiled earlier in Section 7,
traveled to Canada in 1908 to avert what would have been a
catastrophe in the eyes of the British monarchy.
Milner's visit, which founded the Canadian Round Table Group the
mother organization of Walter Lockhart Gordon's Canadian Institute
of International Affairs was ultimately successful.
Robert Borden, a Milner protιgι, replaced de Laurier in 1910, and
Canada was secured for the Prohibition offensive against the United
States. Robert Borden's descendant Henry Borden still sits on the
Council of the Canadian Institute of International Affairs.
The project is best summarized in a letter that Rudyard Kipling,
the swastika-wielding racist who helped found Canada's Institute of
International Affairs, wrote to Lord Milner after the de Laurier
"This busts the de Laurier-Botha liaison," Kipling wrote, "in
what are called our Imperial Councils. Additionally, Australia will
be deprived of big sister's (i.e. Canada's ed.) example as an
excuse for nibbling after American 'protection' on her behalf...
and I do believe it smashes French power for good. Seriously, don't
you think it's the best thing that's happened to us in ten years?
Also, we've worked very hard for it." (3)
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