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			by Tom Burghardt 
			October 24, 2010 
			
			from
			
			GlobalResearch Website 
			
			  
			
			  
			
			  
			
			On October 22nd, the whistleblowing
			
			web 
			site WikiLeaks released nearly 400,000 classified Iraq war 
			documents, the largest leak of secret information in U.S. history. 
			 
			Explosive revelations contained in 
			
			the Iraq War Logs provided 
			further evidence of the Pentagon's role in the systematic torture of 
			Iraqi citizens by the U.S.-installed post-Saddam regime. 
			 
			Indeed, multiple files document how U.S. officials failed to 
			investigate thousands of cases of abuse, torture, rape and murder. 
			Even innocent victims who were targets of kidnapping gangs, tortured 
			for ransom by Iraqi police and soldiers operating out of the 
			Interior Ministry, were "investigated" in a perfunctory manner that 
			was little more than a cover-up. 
			 
			Never mind that the Pentagon was fully cognizant of the nightmare 
			playing out in Iraqi jails and prisons.  
			
			  
			
			Never mind the beatings with 
			rifle butts and steel cables, the electrocutions, the flesh sliced 
			with razors, the limbs hacked-off with chainsaws, the acid and 
			chemical burns on battered corpses found along the roads, the eyes 
			gouged out or the bones lacerated by the killers' tool of choice: 
			the power drill. 
			 
			Never mind that the death squads stood-up by American forces when 
			the imperial adventure went wildly off the rails, were modeled on 
			counterinsurgency methods pioneered in Vietnam (Operation Phoenix) 
			and in South- and Central American during the 1970s and 1980s 
			(Operation Condor) and that a "Salvador Option" was in play. 
			 
			Never mind that the former commander of the U.S. Military Advisory 
			Group in El Salvador, Col. James Steele, was the U.S. Embassy's 
			point-man for setting up the Wolf Brigade or the Iraqi Interior 
			Ministry's Special Police Commandos, notorious death squads that 
			spread havoc and fear across Iraq's cities, towns and villages. 
			 
			The killings and atrocities carried out by American and British 
			clients were not simply random acts of mayhem initiated by sectarian 
			gangs.  
			
			  
			
			On the contrary, though sectarianism and inter-ethnic hatred 
			played a role in the slaughter, from a strategic and tactical point 
			of view these were carefully calibrated acts designed to instill 
			terror in a population utterly devastated by the U.S. invasion.  
			
			  
			
			As 
			researcher Max Fuller
			
			reported five years ago: 
			
				
				In Iraq the war comes in two phases. 
				 
				
					
						- 
						
						The first phase is complete: 
			the destruction of the existing state, which did not comply with the 
			interests of British and American capital.   
						- 
						
						The second phase consists 
			of building a new state tied to those interests and smashing every 
			dissenting sector of society.   
					 
				 
				
				Openly, this involves applying the 
			same sort of economic shock therapy that has done so much damage in 
			swathes of the Third World and Eastern Europe.  
				  
				
				Covertly, it means 
			intimidating, kidnapping and murdering opposition voices. 
				 
				
				("For 
			Iraq, 'The Salvador Option' Becomes Reality," Global Research, June 
			2, 2005) 
			 
			
			Pentagon spokesperson Geoff Morrell denounced the leaks Friday 
			evening, claiming the document dump was a, 
			
				
				"gift to terrorist 
			organizations" that "put at risk the lives of our troops." 
			 
			
			Playing down the significance the files lend to our understanding of 
			the U.S. occupation, Morrell characterized them as "mundane." 
			 
			  
			
			To the 
			degree that they chronicle the nonchalance, indeed casual 
			indifference towards Iraqi life displayed by U.S. forces, Morrell is 
			correct: they are numbingly mundane and therein lies their horror. 
			 
			The logs paint a grim picture of life after the "liberation" of the 
			oil-rich nation. As with the organization's publication of some 
			75,000 files from their 
			
			Afghan War Diary, 2004-2010, Friday's 
			release provides stark evidence of U.S. complicity - and worse - in 
			the systematic abuse of prisoners.
  According to the War Logs, in 2006 an unnamed U.S. Special 
			Operations Task Force was accused of blinding a prisoner in their 
			custody. 
			  
			
			We 
			
			read the following: 
			
				
				ALLEGED DETAINEE ABUSE BY TF ___ IN ___ 2006-02-02 17:50:00 
				 AT 2350C, IN ___, WHILE CONDUCTING OUT-PROCESSING, DETAINEE # ___ 
			REPORTED THAT HE WAS ABUSED DURING HIS CAPTURE. DETAINEE IS MISSING 
			HIS RIGHT EYE, AND HAS SCAR___ ON HIS RIGHT FOREARM. DETAINEE STATES 
			THAT HIS INJURIES ARE A RESULT OF THE ABUSE THAT HE RECEIVED UPON 
			CAPTURE. DIMS INDICATE THAT THE DETAINEE WAS CAPTURED ON ___ IN ___, 
			AND THE CAPTURING UNIT WAS TASK FORCE ___. THE DETAINEES CAPTURE TAG 
			NUMBER IS ___. IN PROCESSING PERSONNEL STATE THAT THE DETAINEE___ 
			CAPTURE PHOTO DEPICTS A BANDAGE OVER HIS RIGHT EYE, AND INJURY TO 
			HIS RIGHT FOREARM. THE DETAINEE HAS COMPLETED THE DETAINEE ABUSE 
			COMPLAINT FORM, AND WE ARE SEEKING A SWORN STATEMENT FROM THE 
			DETAINEE. PER ORDER OF Task force ___, THE DETAINEE ___ TRANSFERRED 
			AS SCHEDULED, AND CONTINUE CID INVESTIGATION UPON ARRIVAL AT ___ 
			GHRAIB. 
			 
			
			File after gruesome file reveals that even when confronted by 
			serious evidence of abuse, the outcome was as sickening as it was 
			inevitable:  
			
				
				"No further investigation." 
			 
			
			Called "Frago 242" reports for "fragmentary orders," the military 
			files summarized thousands of events. When alleged abuse was 
			committed by an Iraqi on another Iraqi,  
			
				
				"only an initial report will 
			be made ... No further investigation will be required unless 
			directed by HQ."  
			 
			
			Those directives never arrived.
  In fact, in a hypermilitarized society such as ours' where the 
			"chain of command" is valued above basic human decency, never mind 
			the rule of law, orders to be "discrete" always come from the top. 
			 
			  
			
			Investigative journalist Robert Fisk 
			
			recounted how during a November 
			2005 Pentagon press conference: 
			
				
				Peter Pace, the uninspiring chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 
			is briefing journalists on how soldiers should react to the cruel 
			treatment of prisoners, pointing out proudly that an American 
			soldier's duty is to intervene if he sees evidence of torture. 
				 
				  
				
				Then 
			the camera moves to the far more sinister figure of Defense 
			Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who suddenly interrupts - almost in a 
			mutter, and to Pace's consternation - "I don't think you mean they 
			(American soldiers) have an obligation to physically stop it. It's 
			to report it."  
				
				("The Shaming of America," The Independent on Sunday, 
			October 24, 2010) 
			 
			
			In essence, Frago 242 were the political means used by the U.S. 
			administration to absolve themselves of command responsibility for 
			the slaughter they had initiated with the March 2003 invasion. 
			 
			
				
				"We 
			reported these horrors. What more do you want?" 
			 
			
			Eager to pass security management onto their Iraqi puppets and cut 
			their losses, the Pentagon and their political masters in Washington 
			bypassed their obligations as the occupying power to ensure that 
			human rights and the rule of law were respected by the clients whom 
			they had installed to rule over the oil-rich nation.  
			  
			
			
			
			One file from 
			2006 tells us: 
			
				
				ALLEGED DETAINEE ABUSE BY IA AT THE DIYALA JAIL IN BAQUBAH 
				 2006-05-25 07:30:00
  AT 1330D, ___ REPORTS ALLEGED DETAINEE ABUSE IN THE DIYALA PROVINCE, 
			IN BA'___ AT THE DIYALA JAIL, vicinity. ___. 1X DETAINEE CLAIMS THAT 
			HE WAS SEIZED FROM HIS HOUSE BY IA IN THE KHALIS AREA OF THE DIYALA 
			PROVINCE. HE WAS THEN HELD UNDERGROUND IN BUNKERS FOR APPROXIMATELY 
			___ MONTHS AROUND ___ SUBJECTED TO TORTURE BY MEMBERS OF THE /___ 
			IA. THIS ALLEGED TORTURE INCLUDED, AMONG OTHER THINGS, THE ___ 
			STRESS POSITION, WHEREBY HIS HANDS WERE BOUND/___ AND HE WAS 
			SUSPENDED FROM THE CEILING; THE USE OF BLUNT OBJECTS (.___. PIPES) 
			TO BEAT HIM ON THE BACK AND LEGS; AND THE USE OF ELECTRIC DRILLS TO 
			BORE HOLES IN HIS LEGS. FOLLOW UP CARE HAS BEEN GIVEN TO THE 
			DETAINEE BY US ___. THE DETAINEE IS UNDER US CONTROL AT THIS TIME. 
			ALL PAPERWORK HAS BEEN SENT UP THROUGH THE NECESSARY ___ AND PMO 
			CHANNELS. CLOSED: 260341MAY2006. Significant activity MEETS MNC- ___ 
			 
			
			Two days later, additional torture victims were found in the Diyala 
			Jail, and U.S. military personnel 
			
			report: 
			
				
				ALLEGED DETAINEE ABUSE BY IP IVO BA': ___ DETAINEES INJ, ___ CF INJ/DAMAGE 
				 2006-05-27 11:00:00
  AT 1700D, ___ REPORTS ALLEGED DETAINEE ABUSE IN THE DIYALA PROVINCE, 
			IN BA'___ AT THE DIYALA JAIL, vicinity. ___. 7X DETAINEES CLAIMS 
			THEY WERE SEIZED BY IA IN THE KHALIS AREA OF THE DIYALA PROVINCE. 
			THEY WERE DETAINED AROUND - ___ AND SUBJECTED TO TORTURE BY MEMBERS 
			OF THE IA AND IP. THIS ALLEGED TORTURE INCLUDED, AMONG OTHER THINGS, 
			STRESS POSITIONS, BOUND/___ AND SUSPENDED FROM THE CEILING; THE USE 
			OF VARIOUS BLUNT OBJECTS (.___. PIPES AND ANTENNAS) TO BEAT THEM, 
			AND FORCED CONFESSIONS. ALL DETAINEES WERE DETAINED FOR ALLEGED 
			INVOLVEMENT IN AN ATTACK ON A IA Check Point IN KHALIS. FOLLOW UP 
			CARE HAS BEEN GIVEN TO THE DETAINEES BY US ___. THE DETAINEES ARE 
			UNDER US CONTROL AT THIS TIME. ALL PAPERWORK HAS BEEN SENT UP 
			THROUGH THE NECESSARY ___ AND PMO CHANNELS. Serious Incident Report 
			TO FOLLOW. CLOSED: 280442MAY2006. MEETS ___ 
				
				  
				
			Case closed. 
			 
			
			WikiLeaks release prompted the UN's chief investigator on torture, 
			Manfred Nowak, to demand that the Obama administration, 
			
				
				"order a full 
			investigation of US forces' involvement in human rights abuses in 
			Iraq," 
				
				The Guardian reported. 
			 
			
			Nowak said that if the files demonstrate clear violations of the UN 
			Convention Against Torture then, 
			
				
				"the Obama administration had an 
			obligation to investigate them." 
			 
			
			A failure to investigate these serious charges, 
			
				
				"would be a failure 
			of the Obama government to recognize its obligations under 
			international law."  
			 
			
			There's little chance of that happening under 
			our "forward looking" president.
  On the contrary, as The Washington Post 
			
			reported Sunday, that former 
			CIA general counsel Jeffrey H. Smith, a current adviser to America's 
			top spook Leon Panetta, wants to hang the messenger.
  Smith said, 
			 
			
				
				"'without question' he thought that [WikiLeaks founder 
			Julian] Assange could be prosecuted under the Espionage Act for 
			possessing and sharing without authorization classified military 
			information." 
			 
			
			The Post informed us that Obama's Justice Department, 
			
				
				"is assisting 
			the Defense Department in its investigation into the leaks to WikiLeaks. Though Smith said he did not know whether efforts were 
			underway to gain custody [of Assange], he said, 'My supposition is 
			that the Justice Department and Department of Defense are working 
			very hard to see if they can get jurisdiction over him'." 
			 
			
			As I 
			
			discussed in late 2009, perhaps the Pentagon is working 
			feverishly to do just that, deploying a Joint Special Operations 
			Command (JSOC) "Manhunting team" to run Assange and his organization 
			to ground.
  In 
			
			Manhunting - Counter-Network Organization for Irregular Warfare, 
			retired Lt. Col. George A. Crawford wrote in a 2009 monograph 
			published by Joint Special Operations University, that, 
			
				
				"Manhunting - the 
			deliberate concentration of national power to find, influence, 
			capture, or when necessary kill an individual to disrupt a human 
			network - has emerged as a key component of operations to counter 
			irregular warfare adversaries in lieu of traditional state-on-state 
			conflict measures." 
			 
			
			And with an administration that asserts the right to kill anyone on 
			the planet, including American citizens deemed "terrorists," it 
			isn't a stretch to imagine the Pentagon resorting to a little "wet 
			work" to silence 
			
			Assange, thereby disrupting "a human network" 
			viewed as deleterious impediment to Washington's imperial project. 
			 After all, in Crawford's view,  
			
				
				"Why drop a bomb when effects 
			operations or a knife might do?" 
			 
			
			Be that as it may, there was already sufficient evidence before 
			Friday's release that American military personnel and outsourced 
			"private security contractors" (armed mercenaries) had committed war 
			crimes that warranted criminal investigations.
  Even after 2004 revelations by investigative journalist 
			Seymour Hersh in 
			
			The New Yorker sparked the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, the 
			files show that the systematic abuse and execution of prisoners, 
			along with other serious war crimes, were standard operating 
			procedure by the United States and their Iraqi "coalition" partners. 
			 When Hersh's investigation first landed on the doorstep of the 
			
			Bush 
			White House, we were told that detainee abuse was the work of a "few 
			bad apples" on the "night shift" at the notorious Abu Ghraib prison. 
			 While enlisted personnel were charged, tried, convicted and 
			imprisoned for their crimes, senior Pentagon officials including 
			Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Deputy Secretary of Defense 
			Paul Wolfowitz and their top aides were exonerated by the White 
			House and their accomplices in 
			
			the corporate media. 
			
				
				"The truth is" Robert Fisk writes, "U.S. generals... are furious 
			not because secrecy has been breached, or because blood may be 
			spilt, but because they have been caught out telling the lies we 
			always knew they told." 
				
				  
			 
			
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