| 
			  
			
 
 
  by Kevin Gosztola
 12 February 2016
 
			from
			
			ShadowProof Website
 
 
			  
			  
			
			
			 Henry 
			Kissinger
 
			(Photo by Hudson 
			Institute)
 
			  
			In the midst of questioning the United States' history of 
			overthrowing and meddling in other countries' governments, Bernie 
			Sanders denounced 
			
			Hillary Clinton for befriending 
			and taking advice from former Secretary of State 
			
			Henry Kissinger.
 
 Numerous media commentators reacted by mocking the Sanders campaign, 
			believing millennials could not possibly know anything about 
			Kissinger. They suggested millennials did not care about what 
			Kissinger did either.
 
 It was typical of an establishment media class, which eschews 
			serious reflection on the record of any current or former official's 
			role in war crimes or atrocities. But Kissinger is someone who 
			Clinton has mentioned multiple times during debates and at campaign 
			events.
 
			  
			She said during the last debate in New 
			Hampshire,  
				
				"I was very flattered when Henry 
				Kissinger said I ran the State Department better than anybody 
				had run it in a long time." 
			The condemnation from Sanders was also 
			newsworthy because most of the elite international relations 
			scholars in foreign policy research consider Kissinger to be the 
			
			
			best secretary of state of the past 50 years.  
			  
			Plus, despite all the inflicted 
			destruction he helped wreak, Kissinger is a Nobel 'Peace' Prize 
			winner.
 Assessing Clinton's friendship with Kissinger not only forces her to 
			defend her support for a war criminal, who helped fuel genocide and 
			massive casualties in multiple countries, but it also forces her to 
			justify support for decades of U.S. foreign policy, involving 
			military intervention and a refusal to acknowledge systematic human 
			rights violations.
 
 During the debate in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on February 11, Sanders 
			declared,
 
				
				"I happen to believe that Henry 
				Kissinger was one of the most destructive secretaries of state 
				in the modern history of this country." 
			Sanders continued,  
				
				"I am proud to say that Henry 
				Kissinger is not my friend. I will not take advice from Henry 
				Kissinger.    
				And in fact, Kissinger's actions in 
				Cambodia, when the United States bombed that country, overthrew 
				Prince Sihanouk, created the instability for Pol Pot and the 
				Khmer Rouge to come in, who then butchered some 3 million 
				innocent people, one of the worst genocides in the history of 
				the world.    
				So count me in as somebody who will 
				not be listening to Henry Kissinger." 
			A feeble attempt was made by Clinton to 
			turn this against Sanders.  
				
				"Well, I know journalists have asked 
				who you do listen to on foreign policy, and we have yet to know 
				who that is," Clinton replied.  
			Sanders quickly retorted,  
				
				"Well, it's not Henry Kissinger. 
				That's for sure."  
			The audience laughed.
 Clinton attempted to approach the issue of her support for Kissinger 
			again. This time, she celebrated the role he played in "opening up 
			China" and how "incredibly useful" his "ongoing relationships with 
			the leaders of China are to the U.S.
   
			Then, she suggested Sanders was 
			cherry-picking advisers, who she listens to on foreign policy, in 
			order to mount an opportunistic attack. 
				
				"Yes, people we may disagree with on 
				a number of things may have some insight, may have some 
				relationships that are important for the president to understand 
				in order to best protect the United States," Clinton stated.
 "You're right, he opened up relations with China," Sanders 
				responded.
 
			But he also, 
				
				"pushed various type of trade 
				agreements, resulting in American workers losing their jobs as 
				corporations moved to China.    
				The terrible, authoritarian, 
				Communist dictatorship he warned us about, now he's urging 
				companies to shut down and move to China. Not my kind of guy." 
			Sanders' campaign had a memo prepared 
			for U.S. media on Kissinger's record, which they sent out to 
			reporters immediately after this exchange occurred.    
			Unfortunately, no 
			
			U.S. media outlet 
			chose to include the vast majority of the memo's contents in their 
			coverage. That is because pundits judged the attack on Kissinger as 
			silly and believed it would play no factor in convincing voters to 
			support either candidate.    
			Plus, few in media would disagree with 
			Clinton's praise for Kissinger before and during the 2016 Election.
 In the memo, the campaign notes,
 
				
				"Kissinger is known for, 
					
						
						
						direct 
				involvement in secret coups against democratically elected 
				presidents
						
						support of notorious dictators
						
						the expansion of the 
				national security state
						
						various human rights violations."
						 
			The memo quoted Greg Grandin, 
			author of "Kissinger's 
			Shadow," who wrote in The Nation that Kissinger 
			was responsible for the death of three, maybe 4 million people in 
			Vietnam, Cambodia, and other countries.    
			The deaths of millions occurred as 
			Kissinger colluded with, 
				
				"big corporations and wealthy 
				bankers." 
			This is a stark indictment of 
			
			brutal 
			American imperialism and the role war has played in expanding U.S. 
			capitalism, whether Sanders would use those terms to describe his 
			comments or not.
 It is important to consider the criticism of Kissinger within the 
			context in which it came up during the debate: when the U.S. 
			government's history of intervening and overthrowing governments was 
			raised by Sanders.
 
				
				"In Libya, for example, the United 
				States, Secretary Clinton, as secretary of state, working with 
				some other countries, did get rid of a terrible dictator named 
				Gaddafi," Sanders recounted.    
				"But what happened is a political 
				vacuum developed. ISIS came in, and now occupies significant 
				territory in Libya, and is now prepared, unless we stop them, to 
				have a terrorist foothold." 
			He continued,  
				
				"This is nothing new. This has gone 
				on 50 or 60 years, where the United States has been involved in 
				overthrowing governments.    
				Mossadegh back in 1953. Nobody knows 
				who Mossadegh was, democratically-elected prime minister of 
				Iran. He was overthrown by British and American interests 
				because he threatened oil interests of the British. And as a 
				result of that, the shah of Iran came in, terrible dictator.
				   
				The result of that, you had the 
				Iranian Revolution coming in, and that is where we are today. 
				Unintended consequences." 
			As highlighted in the memo, Kissinger 
			played a role in the coup by overriding, 
				
				"State Department and Pentagon 
				objections to allow Iran broad access to military equipment."
				 
			He also, 
				
				"authorized the CIA training of the 
				Shah's torturous secret police.    
				He exacerbated tensions with Tehran 
				after the Revolution (resulting in the hostage crisis) by urging 
				[President Jimmy] Carter to grant the Shah asylum in the United 
				States." 
			On one hand, confronting Clinton over 
			her support for Kissinger makes it possible for Sanders to suggest 
			she supports overthrowing governments to advance U.S. foreign 
			policy, if officials deem regime change to be necessary.    
			It also allows Sanders to distinguish 
			himself from Clinton.    
			Presumably, if citizens condemn 
			Kissinger for his role in war crimes, it stands to reason that 
			Sanders can plot a course forward for U.S. foreign policy, which 
			rejects such a brutal foreign policy.
 If Clinton has ever disagreed with Kissinger because of his past war 
			crimes or support for horrendous policies, she has not made her 
			disagreements well-known to the public.
   
			Instead, Clinton has expressed pride 
			about being a member of a "fascinating club" of living former 
			secretaries of state, which transcend "partisan differences."
 Another former secretary of state she celebrates is Madeleine 
			Albright, and Albright once soberly answered a question about 
			the impact of U.S. sanctions on Iraq, which resulted in the 
			deaths of half of a million children, by saying the price was 
			"worth it."
 
 Kissinger helped Clinton find her footing as a secretary of state by 
			checking in with her regularly,
 
				
				"sharing astute observations about 
				foreign leaders, and sending me written reports on his travels," 
				she wrote in her book, 'Hard Choices.' 
			Clinton 
			
			wrote a review of Kissinger's 
			"World Order" book in 2014.    
			She called Kissinger her "friend" and 
			also highlighted how he had helped her when she was secretary of 
			state. 
				
				"Though we have often seen the world 
				and some of our challenges quite differently, and advocated 
				different responses now and in the past, what comes through 
				clearly in this new book is a conviction that we, and President 
				Obama, share: a belief in the indispensability of continued 
				American leadership in service of a just and liberal order," 
				Clinton declared.  
			In 2009, Clinton and Kissinger were interviewed together by Jon 
			Meacham for Newsweek.    
			Aside from the moments in which she 
			appeared to flatter Kissinger, what is more troublesome is how she 
			approved of Kissinger's view of war. 
				
				"I would say the special experience 
				of American wartime policy in the last 40 years, from Vietnam 
				on, is that the war itself became controversial in the country 
				and that the most important thing we need in the current 
				situation is, whatever disagreements there may be on tactics, 
				that the legitimacy of the war itself does not become a subject 
				of controversy.    
				We have to start with the 
				assumption, obviously, that whatever administration is 
				conducting a war wants to end it," Kissinger argued. 
			Clinton said,  
				
				"Right."
 "Nobody has more at stake than the administration in office," 
				Kissinger continued.
   
				"But if you look at the debates we 
				had on Vietnam, Iraq, and so forth, ending the war became 
				defined as the withdrawal of forces and as the primary if not 
				the exclusive exit strategy. But in fact the best exit strategy 
				is victory. Another is diplomacy. Another is the war just dying 
				out."
 "But if you identify exit with withdrawal of American forces, 
				you neglect the political objective," Kissinger maintained.
   
				"In such circumstances, you trap 
				yourself in a position in which the administration in office 
				gets assaulted for insufficient dedication to ending the war, 
				[and] it has to do things that can be against its better 
				judgment.    
				We often found ourselves there." 
			Later, Kissinger stated,  
				
				"The debate ought to be in that 
				framework and not, do we want to end the war? How quickly can we 
				end the war? I take it for granted that the administration wants 
				to end it as quickly as is at all possible.    
				Why would they not?" 
			What Kissinger argued is it is never 
			reasonable or fair for there to be an antiwar backlash against the 
			government for perpetuating war.    
			The reason it is unfair is because every 
			presidential administration wants to end wars. Even when those 
			administrations start wars, if one believes Kissinger, part of the 
			objective immediately becomes working to end the wars that were 
			started.   
			It's a variation of the "peace through 
			strength" mantra promoted by neoconservatives and a perfect 
			rationale for someone like Kissinger, who has been revered instead 
			of shunned for his role in atrocities.
 Kissinger supports 
			
			bombing ISIS with a disproportionate amount of 
			U.S. military force because he believes that is what militants who 
			murder Americans on television deserve.
   
			How much of this insight is wisdom, 
			which would influence Clinton when deciding how to drag America 
			deeper into war in Iraq? What sort of atrocities would she allow to 
			occur?
 Here is the exchange between Sanders and Clinton on Kissinger:
 
 
 
			  
			  
			  
			  
			Note: To the extent 
			that disagreements exist, they have been kept fairly private. 
			  
			Below is 
			
			the full list of "egregious acts" committed by
			Kissinger, 
			which the Sanders campaign tried to convince the press to pay 
			attention last night.
 
 
				
					
					
					In White House tapes released in 
					2010, Kissinger is heard telling Nixon in 1973 that helping 
					Soviet Jews emigrate, and escape oppression, was 'not an 
					objective of American foreign policy.'    
					He also said, "And if they put 
					Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an 
					American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern." Jewish 
					leaders and organizations expressed outrage over this.
					 
					(NYT)
 
					
					Kissinger helped wage an illegal 
					war in Cambodia between 1969 and 1973. The war wrecked the 
					country through a huge bombing campaign that killed some 
					100,000 civilians, and set the stage for the rise of the 
					genocidal Khmer Rouge.    
					Kissinger hid the bombing from 
					the public and U.S. Congress by working with military 
					officers to falsify records.  
					(NYT, Politico)
 
					
					Kissinger authorized the secret 
					bombing of Laos during the Vietnam War. There, U.S. forces 
					conducted over 580,000 bombing missions over nine years.
					   
					Laos' accounting of its 
					casualties cites more than 50,000 people killed and injured 
					by accidents and unexploded ordinance, more than 20,000 of 
					them after the end of the war. 
					(Washington Post)
 
					
					In South Asia, Kissinger 
					supported Pakistan's military dictatorship and the bloody 
					crackdown in 1971 on what is today Bangladesh. Conservative 
					estimates say that roughly 200,000 were killed; the official 
					Bangladeshi estimate is three million.    
					Ten million Bengali refugees 
					fled to India, where untold numbers died in refugee camps. 
					 
					  
					Kissinger knowingly violated U.S. law in allowing secret 
					arms transfers to Pakistan during the India-Pakistan war, 
					despite warnings from White House staff and State Department 
					and Pentagon lawyers.  
					(Politico, New Yorker)
 
					
					According to GWU's National 
					Security Archive, the Indonesian government's invasion of 
					Portuguese East Timor in December 1975 occurred with 
					Kissinger's blessing, and behind the backs of Congress.
					   
					Some 200,000 Timorese died 
					during the 25-year occupation.  
					  
					Kissinger was aware that 
					Suharto planned to invade East Timor, but the invasion was 
					legally problematic because of Indonesia's use of U.S. 
					military equipment that Congress had approved only for 
					self-defense.
 
					
					With billions of corporate 
					investment at stake, Kissinger helped plan a CIA-led coup in 
					Chile in 1973 that led to the assassination of 
					democratically elected president Salvador Allende. 
					   
					Allende had pledged to lead his 
					country "down the democratic road to socialism."    
					He was replaced by the notorious 
					dictator, Augusto Pinochet, whose government killed at least 
					3,197 people and tortured about 29,000. Kissinger's top 
					deputy for Latin America advised him make human rights 
					central to U.S.-Chilean relations.   
					Instead Kissinger told Pinochet 
					that his regime was a victim of leftist propaganda. "In the 
					United States, as you know, we are sympathetic with what you 
					are trying to do here… You did a great service to the West 
					in overthrowing Allende."
 
					
					In the late 1960s, Kissinger was 
					involved in the secret wiretapping of National Security 
					Council staff.    
					He urged Nixon to go after
					Daniel Ellsberg for having released 
					
					the Pentagon Papers, 
					which resulted in government charges against The New York 
					Times for violations against the Espionage Act (the charges 
					did not hold).  
					(NYT)
 
					
					In the mid-70s, Kissinger began 
					to urge apartheid South Africa, with which he was closely 
					aligned, to secretly intervene in Angola's civil war to 
					prevent (Marxist) MPLA from taking power.  
					  
					The U.S. was 
					directly involved in the civil war.    
					In addition to training Angolan 
					combat units, U.S. personnel carried out reconnaissance and 
					supply missions, and the CIA spent over a million dollars on 
					its mercenary program.  
					  
					The war took more than 300,000 lives.
 
					
					Kissinger and Nixon's 
					orientation toward southern African states with white 
					majority leadership was outlined in a secret NSC policy 
					study called the "Tar Baby" report.    
					Anthony Sampson noted in Black 
					and Gold that "The Nixon-Kissinger policy effectively 
					condoned Pretoria's apartheid system, and left it to 
					corporations and banks to try to liberalize it."  
					  
					According 
					to Grandin, such policies cost millions of lives.  
					(The 
					Nation)
 
					
					The Shah of Iran was installed 
					into power as a result of a joint British-U.S. coup. 
					Kissinger engaged a policy of unconditional support for the 
					Shah.    
					He overrode State Department and 
					Pentagon objections to allow Iran broad access to military 
					equipment, and authorized the CIA training of the Shah's 
					torturous secret police.    
					He exacerbated tensions with 
					Tehran after the Revolution (resulting in the hostage 
					crisis) by urging Carter to grant the Shah asylum in the 
					United States.  
					(Salon)
 
					
					In 1975, Kissinger thought he 
					had worked out a balance of power between Iran and Iraq, and 
					thus withdrew support for the Kurds.  
					  
					Iraq attacked the 
					Kurds, killing thousands, and implemented a program of 
					ethnic cleansing, relocating Kurdish survivors and moving 
					Arabs into their homes.  
					(Salon)
 
					
					In 1980, Saddam Hussein invaded 
					Iran - a war that cost hundreds of thousands of lives. 
					Reagan supported Iraq, but also illegally trafficked weapons 
					to Iran (Iran-Contra scandal).    
					Raymond Tanter of the NSC 
					reported that at a foreign-policy briefing for nominee 
					Reagan in 1980, Kissinger suggested "the continuation of 
					fighting between Iran and Iraq was in the American 
					interest."  
					  
					The U.S., he said, "should capitalize on 
					continuing hostilities."  
					(Salon)
 
					
					Newly released documents have 
					Kissinger mapping out secret contingency plans to launch 
					airstrikes against Havana and "smash Cuba."    
					Mr. Kissinger worried that the 
					U.S. would look weak if it did not respond. He had 
					previously planned an underground effort to improve 
					relations, but after Castro sent troops to Angola to help 
					the newly independent nation fend off attacks from South 
					Africa and right-wing guerrillas, Kissinger started to plan 
					a U.S. airstrike.  
					(NYT) 
			    |