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 August 29, 2016 from WorldPoliticsReview Website 
 
 
 Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos gives Senate President Mauricio Lizcano the peace deal with FARC rebels, Bogota, Colombia, Aug. 25, 2016 (AP photo by Felipe Caicedo). 
 
 
			 
 This is a useful question, because it is a rough description of the actual world we live in. Most of the planet is pretty stable these days. 
 
			Last week, the cognitive scientist Stephen Pinker 
			and Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos
			
			underscored this point in an opinion piece celebrating 
			Colombia's peace deal with the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of 
			Colombia, or FARC. 
 But this is 'the new normal': 
 
			As Pinker has
			
			argued elsewhere, the recent upsurge of violence 
			in the Middle East and Africa should not distract us from the good 
			news that most of the world is seeing historic declines in political 
			violence. 
 It underestimates the risk of new conflicts in many regions, they say. While Colombia moved toward peace this year, for example, neighboring Venezuela has slid into chaos. 
 
			In other cases, such as Ukraine and 
			South Asia, flare-ups of violence threaten to bring nuclear powers 
			into conflict, potentially initiating massive killings. 
 
			On this at least, it is hard to 
			disagree. 
 
			While the global number of fatalities 
			declined slightly from 2014, there were significant rises in 
			Afghanistan, Nigeria, Somalia and Yemen. 
 President Barack Obama hinted at this counsel of despair in a widely cited interview with journalist Jeffrey Goldberg earlier this year, in which he called for more focus on the successes of Latin America and Asia, 
 
 There is a moral perilin emphasizing that "only" a sixthof the global populationhas to live with war.
 
 This is at least half-right... 
 The U.S. president, or any other 'serious' leader, should engage with successful and hopeful parts of the globe. 
 
			But if we attribute the persistence of 
			violence in other parts of the globe to a mix of malice and 
			nihilism, policymakers have an excuse to accept second-best options 
			- or worse - for managing or stabilizing them, on the grounds that 
			they are fundamentally beyond redemption. 
 Washington and its allies have also backed-up Saudi Arabia's equally ham-fisted intervention in Yemen. 
 
			As I have argued elsewhere, the European 
			Union
			seems to be sliding toward a "post-humanitarian" mentality in 
			which it focuses on patrolling its borders, rather than striving to 
			halt wars in Africa or the Arab world. 
 Commentators have battened onto the argument that Arab states are now fighting their version of the Thirty Years' War that wrecked Europe in the 1600s. 
 This is a falsely reassuring comparison, as a more stable European states system finally emerged from that particular cataclysm, but it is not obvious that it would pass muster in an undergraduate history seminar. 
 As one academic has complained, it, 
 It is typically a bad idea to build policies on a mix of attractive statistics, dodgy historical analogies and ruminations on human nature. 
 In the 1990s, analysts attributed the Balkan wars to "ancient ethnic hatreds," justifying inaction in the face of the collapse of Yugoslavia. Current discussions about politics, religion and order in the Middle East and Africa often seem stuck in the same gear. 
 
			The net result is to offer us a 
			collective alibi for giving up on serious efforts to stabilize "the 
			zone from Nigeria to Pakistan," and sitting back and hoping that 
			local forces will battle each other into stalemates, leaving the 
			rest of the world in peace.  
 Instead, they believe that Colombia's peace process is evidence that, 
 Sadly, many decision-makers living in the peaceful majority of the world seem happy to let the unstable rump remain chaotic. 
			
			 
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