CHAPTER IV
PONEROLOGY
Ever since ancient times, philosophers and religious thinkers representing
various attitudes in different cultures have been searching for the truth
regarding moral values, attempting to find criteria for what is right, and
what constitutes good advice. They have described the virtues of human
character at length and suggested these be acquired. They have created a
heritage containing centuries of experience and reflection.
In spite of the obvious differences of
originating cultures and attitudes, even though they worked in widely
divergent times and places, the similarity, or complementary nature, of the
conclusions reached by famous ancient philosophers are striking. It
demonstrates that whatever is valuable is conditioned and caused by the laws
of nature acting upon the personalities of both individual human beings and
collective societies.
It is equally thought-provoking to see how relatively little has been said
about the opposite side of the coin; the nature, causes, and genesis of
evil. These matters are usually cloaked behind the above generalized
conclusions with a certain amount of secrecy. Such a state of affairs can be
partially ascribed to the social conditions and historical circumstances
under which these thinkers worked; their modus operandi may have been
dictated at least in part by personal fate, inherited traditions, or even
prudishness.
After all, justice and virtue are the opposites
of force and perversity; the same applies to truthfulness vs. mendacity,
similarly like health is the opposite of an illness. It is also possible
that whatever they thought or said about the true nature of evil was later
expunged and hidden by those very forces they sought to expose.
The character and genesis of evil thus remained hidden in discreet shadows,
leaving it to literature to deal with the subject in highly expressive
language. But, expressive though the literary language might be, it has
never reached the primeval source of the phenomena. A certain cognitive
space remained as an uninvestigated thicket of moral questions which resist
understanding and philosophical generalizations.
Present-day philosophers developing meta-ethics are trying to push on along
the elastic space leading to an analysis of the language of ethics,
contributing bits and pieces toward eliminating the imperfections and habits
of natural conceptual language. Penetrating this ever-mysterious nucleus is
highly tempting to a scientist.
At the same time, active practitioners in social life and normal people
searching for their way are significantly conditioned by their trust in
certain authorities. Eternal temptations such as trivializing
insufficiently-proven moral values or disloyally taking advantage of naive
human respect for them, find no adequate counterweight within a rational
understanding of reality.
If physicians behaved like ethicists, i.e. relegated to the shadow of their
personal experience relatively un-esthetic disease phenomena because they
were primarily interested in studying questions of physical and mental
hygiene, there would be no such thing as modern medicine. Even the roots of
this health-maintenance science would be hidden in similar shadows. In spite
of the fact that the theory of hygiene has been linked to medicine since its
ancient beginnings, physicians were correct in their emphasis upon studying
disease above all.
They risked their own health and made sacrifices
in order to discover the causes and biological properties of illnesses and,
afterwards, to understand the patho-dynamics of the courses of these
illnesses. A comprehension of the nature of a disease, and the course it
runs, after all, enables the proper curative means to be elaborated.
While studying an organisms’ ability to fight off disease, scientists
invented vaccination, which allows organisms to become resistant to an
illness without passing through it in its full-blown manifestation. Thanks
to this, medicine conquers and prevents phenomena which, in its scope of
activity, are considered a type of evil.
The question thus arises: could some analogous modus operandi not be
used to study the causes and genesis of other kinds of evil scourging human
individuals, families, and societies, in spite of the fact that they appear
even more insulting to our moral feelings than do diseases? Experience has
taught the author that evil is similar to disease in nature, although
possibly more complex and elusive to our understanding. Its genesis reveals
many factors, pathological, especially psychopathological, in character,
whose essence medicine and psychology have already studied, or whose
understanding demands further investigation in these realms.
Parallel to the traditional approach, problems commonly perceived to be
moral may also be treated on the basis of data provided by biology,
medicine, and psychology, as factors of this kind are simultaneously present
in the question as a whole. Experience teaches us that a comprehension of
the essence and genesis of evil generally makes use of data from these
areas.
Philosophical reflection alone is insufficient.
Philosophical thought may have engendered all the scientific disciplines,
but the other scientific disciplines did not mature until they became
independent, based on detailed data and a relationship to other disciplines
supplying such data.
Encouraged by the often “coincidental” discovery of these naturalistic
aspects of evil, the author has imitated the methodology of medicine; a
clinical psychologist and medical co-worker by profession, he had such
tendencies anyway. As is the case with physicians and disease, he took the
risks of close contact with evil and suffered the consequences. His purpose
was to ascertain the possibilities of understanding the nature of evil, its
etiological factors and to track its pathodynamics.
The developments of biology, medicine, and psychology opened so many avenues
that the above mentioned behavior turned out to be not only feasible, but
exceptionally fertile.
Personal experience and refined methods in clinical psychology permitted
reaching ever more accurate conclusions.
There was a major difficulty: insufficient data, especially in the area of
the science of psychopathies. This problem had to be overcome based on my
own investigations. This insufficiency was caused by neglect of these areas,
theoretical difficulties facing researchers, and the unpopular nature of
these problems.
This work in general, and this chapter in
particular, contain references to research conclusions the author was either
prevented from publishing or unwilling to publish for reasons of personal
safety. Sadly, it is lost now and age prevents any attempts at recovery. It
is hoped that my descriptions, observations, and experience, here condensed
from memory, will provide a platform for a new effort to produce the data
needed to confirm again what was confirmed then.
Nevertheless, based on the work of myself and others in that past tragic
time, a new discipline arose that became our beacon; two Greek philologists
- monks baptized it “PONEROLOGY” from the Greek poneros = evil.
The process
of the genesis of evil was called, correspondingly, “ponerogenesis”. I hope
that these modest beginnings will grow so as to enable us to overcome evil
through an understanding of its nature, causes, and development.
From among 5000 psychotic, neurotic, and healthy patients, the author
selected 384 adults who behaved in a manner which had seriously hurt others.
They came from all circles of Polish society, but mostly from a large
industrial center characterized by poor working conditions and substantial
air pollution. They represented various moral, social, and political
attitudes. Some 30 of them had been subjected to penal measures which were
often excessively harsh. Once freed from jail or other penalty, these people
attempted to readapt to social life, which made them tend to be sincere in
speaking to me - the psychologist.
Others had escaped punishment; still others had
hurt their fellows in a manner which does not qualify for judicial treatment
under legal theory or practice. Some were protected by a political system
which is in itself a ponerogenic derivate. The author had the further
advantage of speaking to persons whose neuroses were caused by some abuse
they had experienced.
All the above-mentioned people were given psychological tests and subjected
to detailed anamnesis33 so as
to determine their overall mental skills, thereby either excluding or
detecting possible brain tissue lesions and evaluating them in relation to
one another.34 Other methods
were also used in accordance with the patient’s actual needs in order to
create a sufficiently accurate picture of the psychological condition. In
most of these cases the author had access to the results of medical
examinations and laboratory tests performed in medical facilities.
33 Medical
history: the case history of a medical patient as recalled by the patient.
[Editor’s note.]
34 My basic test battery resembled more those
used in Great Britain as opposed to the American versions. I used in
addition two tests: one was an old British performance test re-standarized
for clinical purposes. The other was completely elaborated by myself.
Unfortunately, when I was expelled from Poland, it made it impossible for me
to transferring any of my many results to other psychologists because I was
deprived of all my research papers in addition to almost everything else.
A psychologist can glean many valuable observations, such as those used in
this work, when he himself is subjected to abuse, as long as cognitive
interest overcomes his natural human emotional reactions. If not, he must
utilize his professional skills to rescue himself first. The author never
lacked for such opportunities since his unhappy country is replete with
examples of human injustice to which he was, himself, subjected on numerous
occasions.
Analysis of their personalities and the genesis of their behavior revealed
that only 14 to 16 per cent of the 384 persons who hurt others failed to
exhibit any psychopathological factors which would have influenced their
behavior. Regarding this statistic, it should be pointed out that a
psychologist’s non-discovery of such factors does not prove their
non-existence. In a significant part of this group of cases, the lack of
proof was rather the result of insufficient interview possibilities,
imperfection of testing methods, and deficiency of skills on the part of the
tester.
Thus, natural reality appeared different in principle from everyday
attitudes, which interpret evil in a moralizing way, and from juridical
practices, which only in a small part of the cases adjudicate a commutation
of a sentence by taking the criminal’s pathological characteristics into
account.
We may often reason by means of the exclusionary hypothesis, e.g. pondering
what would happen if the genesis of a particular wrongdoing did not have
some pathological component. We then usually reach the conclusion that the
deed would not have taken place either since the pathological factor sealed
its occurrence or became an indispensable component in its origin.
The hypothesis thus suggests itself that such factors are commonly active in
the genesis of evil. The conviction that pathological factors generally
participate in ponerogenic processes appears even more likely if we also
take into account the conviction of many scholars in ethics that evil in
this world represents a kind of web or continuum of mutual conditioning.
Within this interlocking structure, one kind of
evil feeds and opens doors for others regardless of any individual or
doctrinal motivations. It does not respect the boundaries of individual
cases, social groups, and nations. Since pathological factors are present
within the synthesis of most instances of evil, they are also present in
this continuum.
Further deliberations on the observations thus obtained considered only a
part of the above-mentioned variegated cases, especially those which did not
generate doubt by colliding with natural moral attitudes, and those which
did not reveal practical difficulties for further analysis (such as absence
of further contact with the patient). The statistical approach furnished
only general guidelines. Intuitive penetration into each individual problem,
and a similar synthesis of the whole, proved the most productive method in
this area.
The role of pathological factors in a process of the origin of evil can be
played by any known, or not yet sufficiently researched, psychopathological
phenomenon, and also by some pathological matters medical practice does not
include within psychopathology. However, their activity in a ponerogenic
process is dependent on features other than the obviousness or intensity of
the condition. Quite the contrary, the greatest ponerogenic activity is
reached by pathological factors at an intensity which generally permits
detection with the help of clinical methods, although they are not yet
considered pathological by the opinion of the social environment.
Such a factor can then covertly limit the
bearer’s ability to control his conduct, or have an effect upon other
persons, traumatizing their psyches, fascinating them, causing their
personalities to develop improperly, or inciting vindictive emotions or a
lust for punishing. A moralistic interpretation of such agents and their
legacy works against humankind’s ability to see the causes of evil and to
utilize common sense to combat it. This is why identifying such pathological
factors and revealing their activities can so often stifle their ponerogenic
functions.
In the process of the origin of evil, pathological factors can act from
within an individual who has committed a hurtful act; such activity is
relatively easily acknowledged by public opinion and the courts.
Consideration is given much less frequently to how outside influences
emitted by their carriers act upon individuals or groups. Such influences,
however, play a substantial role in the overall genesis of evil. In order
for such influence to be active, the pathological characteristic in question
must be interpreted in a moralistic manner, i.e. differently from its true
nature. There are many possibilities for such activities. For the moment,
let us indicate the most damaging.
Every person in the span of his life, and particularly during childhood and
youth, assimilates psychological material from others through mental
resonance, identification, imitation, and other communicative means,
thereupon transforming it to build his own personality and world view. If
such material is contaminated by pathological factors and deformities,
personality development shall also be deformed. The product will be a person
unable to understand correctly either himself and others, normal human
relations and morals; he develops into a person who commits evil acts with a
poor feeling of being faulty. Is he really at fault?
Man’s age-old, familiar moral weaknesses and
intelligence deficiencies, proper reasoning, and knowledge combine with the
activity of various pathological factors to create a complex network of
causation which frequently contains feedback relationships or closed causal
structures. Practically speaking, cause and effect are often widely
separated in time, which makes it more difficult to track the links.
If our scope of observation is expansive enough,
the ponerogenic processes are reminiscent of complex chemical synthesis,
wherein modifying a single factor causes the entire process to change.
Botanists are aware of the law of the minimum, wherein plant growth is
limited by contents of the component which is in deficiency in the soil.
Similarly, eliminating (or at least limiting) the activity of one of the
above-mentioned factors or deficiencies should cause a corresponding
reduction in the entire process of the genesis of evil.
For centuries, moralists have been advising us to develop ethics and human
values; they have been searching for the proper intellectual criteria. They
have also respected correctness of reasoning, whose value in this area is
unquestionable. In spite of all their efforts, however, they have been
unable to overcome the many kinds of evil that have scourged humanity for
ages and that are presently taking on unheard-of proportions.
By no means does a ponerologist wish to belittle the role of moral values
and knowledge in this area; rather, he wants to buttress it with
hitherto-underrated scientific knowledge in order to round out the picture
as a whole and adapt it better to reality, thereby making more effective
action possible in moral, psychological, social, and political practice.
This new discipline is thus primarily interested in the role of pathological
factors in the origin of evil, especially since conscious control and
monitoring of them on the scientific, social, and individual levels could
effectively stifle or disarm these processes. Something which has been
impossible for centuries is now feasible in practice thanks to progress in
naturalistic cognizance. Methodological refinements are dependent upon
further progress in detailed data and upon the conviction that such behavior
is valuable.
For instance, in the course of psychotherapy, we may inform a patient that
in the genesis of his personality and behavior we find the results of
influences from some person who revealed psychopathological characteristics.
We thereby carry out an intervention that is
painful for the patient, which demands we proceed with tact and skill. As a
result of this interaction, however, the patient develops a kind of
self-analysis which will liberate him from the results of these influences
and enable him to develop some critical distance in dealing with other
factors of a similar nature. Rehabilitation will depend on improving his
ability to understand himself and others.
Thanks to this, he will be able to overcome his
internal and interpersonal difficulties more easily and to avoid mistakes
which hurt him and his immediate environment.
Pathological Factors
Let us now attempt a concise description of some examples of those
pathological factors which have proved to be the most active in ponerogenic
processes. Selection of these examples resulted from the author’s own
experience, instead of exhaustive statistical tallies, and may thus differ
from other specialists’ evaluations. Much depends on particular situation.
A small amount of statistical data concerning
these phenomena has been borrowed from other works or are approximate
evaluations elaborated under conditions which did not allow the entire front
of research to be developed. Again, may the reader please consider the
conditions under which the author worked, and the time and place.
Mention should also be made of some historical figures, people whose
pathological characteristics contributed to the process of the genesis of
evil on a large social scale, imprinting their mark upon the fate of
nations. It is not an easy task to establish diagnosis for people whose
psychological anomalies and diseases died together with them.
The results of such clinical analyses are open
to question even by persons lacking knowledge or experience in this area,
only because recognizing such a state of mind does not correspond to their
historical or literary way of thought. While this is done on the basis of
the legacy of natural and often moralizing language, I can only assert that
I always based my findings on comparisons of data acquired through numerous
observations I made by studying many similar patients with the help of the
objective methods of contemporary clinical psychology. I took the critical
approach herein as far as possible.
The opinions of specialists elaborated in a
similar way nevertheless remain valuable.
Acquired Deviations
Brain tissue is very limited in its regenerative ability. If it is damaged
and the change subsequently heals, a process of rehabilitation can take
place wherein the neighboring healthy tissue takes over the function of the
damaged portion. This substitution is never quite perfect; thus some
deficits in skill and proper psychological processes can be detected in even
cases of very small damage by using the appropriate tests.
Specialists are aware of the variegated causes
for the origin of such damage, including trauma and infections. We should
point out here that the psychological results of such changes, as we can
observe many years later, are more heavily dependent upon the location of
the damage itself in the brain mass, whether on the surface or within, than
they are upon the cause which brought them about.
The quality of these consequences also depends
upon when they occurred in the person’s lifetime. Regarding pathological
factors of ponerogenic processes, perinatal or early infant damages have
more active results than damages which occurred later.
In societies with highly developed medical care, we find among the lower
grades of elementary school (when tests can be applied), that 5 to 7 per
cent of children have suffered brain tissue lesions which cause certain
academic or behavioral difficulties. This percentage increases with age.
Modern medical care has contributed to a quantitative decrease in such
phenomena, but in certain relatively uncivilized countries and during
historical times, indications of difficulties caused by such changes are and
have been more frequent.
Epilepsy and its many variations constitute the oldest known results of such
lesions; it is observed in a relatively small number of persons suffering
such damage. Researchers in these matters are more or less unanimous in
believing that Julius Caesar, and then later Napoleon Bonaparte, had
epileptic seizures. Those were probably instances of vegetative epilepsy
caused by lesions lying deep within the brain, near the vegetative centers.
This variety does not cause subsequent dementia.
The extent to which these hidden ailments had
negative effects upon their characters and historical decision-making, or
played a ponerogenic role, can be the subject of a separate study and
evaluation of great interest. In most cases, however, epilepsy is an evident
ailment, which limits its role as a ponerogenic factor.
In a much larger segment of the bearers of brain tissue damage, the negative
deformation of their characters grows in the course of time. It takes on
variegated mental pictures, depending upon the properties and localization
of these changes, their time of origin, and also the life conditions of the
individual after their occurrence.
We will call such character disorders – characteropathies.
Some characteropathies play an outstanding role as
pathological agents in the processes of the genesis of evil. Let us thus
characterize these most active ones.
Characteropathies reveal a certain similar quality, if the clinical picture
is not dimmed by the coexistence of other mental anomalies (usually
inherited), which sometimes occur in practice. Undamaged brain tissue
retains our species’ natural psychological properties. This is particularly
evident in instinctive and affective responses, which are natural, albeit
often insufficiently controlled.
The experience of people with such anomalies
grows in the medium of the normal human world to which they belong by
nature. Thus their different way of thinking, their emotional violence, and
their egotism find relatively easy entry into other people’s minds and are
perceived within the categories of the everyday world. Such behavior on the
part of persons with such character disorders traumatizes the minds and
feelings of normal people, gradually diminishing the ability of the normal
person to use their common sense. In spite of their resistance, victims of
the characteropath become used to the rigid habits of pathological thinking
and experiencing.
If the victims are young people, the result is
that the personality suffers abnormal development leading to its
malformation. Characteropaths and their victims thus represent pathological,
ponerogenic factors which, by their covert activity, easily engender new
phases in the eternal genesis of evil, opening the door to a later
activation of other factors which thereupon take over the main role.
A relatively well-documented example of such an influence of a
characteropathic personality on a macrosocial scale is the last German
emperor, Wilhelm II.35 He was
subjected to brain trauma at birth. During and after his entire reign, his
physical and psychological handicap was hidden from public knowledge. The
motor abilities of the upper left portion of his body were handicapped.
35 The eldest
grandchild of Queen Victoria, Wilhelm symbolized his era and the nouveaux
riche aspects of the German empire. The kaiser suffered from a birth defect
that left his left arm withered and useless. It was claimed that he overcame
this handicap, but the effort to do so left its mark, and despite efforts of
his parents to give him a liberal education, the prince became imbued with
religious mysticism, militarism, anti-semitism, the glorification of power
politics.
Some have claimed that his personality
displayed elements of a narcissistic personality disorder. Bombastic, vain,
insensitive, and possessed with grandiose notions of divine right rule, his
personality traits paralleled those of the new Germany: strong, but off
balance; vain, but insecure; intelligent, but narrow; self-centered yet
longing for acceptance. [Editor’s note.]
As a boy, he had difficulty learning grammar,
geometry, and drawing, which constitute the typical triad of academic
difficulties caused by minor brain lesions. He developed a personality with
infantile features and insufficient control over his emotions, and also a
somewhat paranoid way of thinking which easily sidestepped the heart of some
important issues in the process of dodging problems.
Militaristic poses and a general’s uniform overcompensated for his feelings
of inferiority and effectively cloaked his shortcomings. Politically, his
insufficient control of emotions and factors of personal rancor came into
view. The old Iron Chancellor had to go, that cunning and ruthless
politician who had been loyal to the monarchy and had built up Prussian
power. After all, he was too knowledgeable about the prince’s defects and
had worked against his coronation. A similar fate met other overly critical
people, who were replaced by persons with lesser brains, more subservience,
and, sometimes, discreet psychological deviations. Negative selection took
place.
Since the common people are prone to identify with the emperor, and through
the emperor, with a system of government, the characteropathic material
emanating from the Kaiser resulted in many Germans being progressively
deprived of their ability to use their common sense. An entire generation
grew up with psychological deformities regarding feeling and understanding
moral, psychological, social and political realities.
It is extremely typical that in many German families having a member who was
psychologically not quite normal, it became a matter of honor (even excusing
nefarious conduct) to hide this fact from public opinion, and even from the
awareness of close friends and relatives. Large portions of German society
ingested psychopathological material, together with that unrealistic way of
thinking wherein slogans take on the power of arguments and real data are
subjected to subconscious selection.
This occurred during a time when a wave of hysteria was growing throughout
Europe, including a tendency for emotions to dominate and for human behavior
to contain an element of histrionics. How individual sober thought can be
terrorized by a behavior colored with such material was evidenced
particularly by women. This progressively took over three empires and other
countries on the mainland.
To what extent did Wilhelm II contribute to this, along with two other
emperors whose minds also were incapable of taking in the actual facts of
history and government? To what extent were they themselves influenced by an
intensification of hysteria during their reigns? That would make an
interesting topic of discussion among historians and ponerologists.
International tensions increased; Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated in
Sarajevo. Unfortunately, neither the Kaiser nor any other governmental
authority in his country were in possession of their reason. What dominated
the subsequent events was Wilhelm’s emotional attitude and the stereotypes
of thought and action inherited from the past. War broke out. General war
plans that had been prepared earlier, and which had lost their relevance
under the new conditions, unfolded more like military maneuvers.
Even those historians familiar with the genesis
and character of the Prussian state, including its ideological subjugation
of individuals to the authority of king and emperor, and its tradition of
bloody expansionism, intuit that these situations contained some activity of
an uncomprehended fatality which eludes an analysis in terms of historical
causality.36
36 An interesting
comparison is the regime of George W. Bush and the Neo-conservatives. It
follows, almost point by point, the history of the Kaiser in Germany.
[Editor’s note.]
Many thoughtful persons keep asking the same anxious question: how could the
German nation have chosen for a Fuehrer a clownish psychopath who made no
bones about his pathological vision of superman rule?
Under his leadership,
Germany then unleashed a second criminal and politically absurd war. During
the second half of this war, highly-trained army officers honorably
performed inhuman orders, senseless from the political and military point of
view, issued by a man whose psychological state corresponded to the routine
criteria for being forcibly committed to a psychiatric hospital.
Any attempt to explain the things that occurred during the first half of our
century by means of categories generally accepted in historical thought
leaves behind a nagging feeling of inadequacy. Only a ponerological approach
can compensate for this deficit in our comprehension, as it does justice to
the role of various pathological factors in the genesis of evil at every
social level.
The German nation, fed for a generation on pathologically altered
psychological material, fell into a state comparable to what we see in
certain individuals raised by persons who are both characteropathic and
hysterical. Psychologists know from experience how often such people then
let themselves commit acts which seriously hurt others. A psychotherapist
needs a good deal of persistent work, skill, and prudence in order to enable
such a person to regain his ability to comprehend psychological problems
with more naturalistic realism and to utilize his healthy critical faculties
in relation to his own behavior.
The Germans inflicted and suffered enormous damage and pain during the first
World War; they thus felt no substantial guilt and even thought that they
were the ones who had been wronged. This is not surprising as they were
behaving in accordance with their customary habit, without being aware of
its pathological causes.
The need for this pathological state to be
concealed in heroic garb after a war in order to avoid bitter disintegration
became all too common. A mysterious craving arose, as if the social organism
had managed to become addicted to some drug. The hunger was for more
pathologically modified psychological material, a phenomenon known to
psychotherapeutic experience. This hunger could only be satisfied by another
similarly pathological personality and system of government. A
characteropathic personality opened the door for leadership by a
psychopathic individual. We shall return later in our deliberations to this
pathological personality sequence, as it appears a general regularity in
ponerogenic processes.
A ponerological approach facilitates our understanding of a person who
succumbs to the influence of a characteropathic personality, as well as
comprehension of macrosocial phenomena caused by the contribution of such
factors. Unfortunately, relatively few such individuals can be served by
appropriate psychotherapy. Such behavior cannot be ascribed to nations
proudly defending their sovereignty without extreme reactions. However, we
may consider the solution of such problems by means of the proper knowledge
as a vision for the future.
Paranoid character disorders
It is characteristic of paranoid behavior for
people to be capable of relatively correct reasoning and discussion as long
as the conversation involves minor differences of opinion. This stops
abruptly when the partner’s arguments begin to undermine their overvalued
ideas, crush their long-held stereotypes of reasoning, or forces them to
accept a conclusion they had subconsciously rejected before. Such a stimulus
unleashes upon the partner a torrent of pseudo-logical, largely paramoralistic, often insulting utterances which always contain some degree
of suggestion.
Utterances like these inspire aversion among cultivated and logical people,
who then tend to avoid the paranoid types. However, the power of the
paranoid lies in the fact that they easily enslave less critical minds, e.g.
people with other kinds of psychological deficiencies, who have been victims
of the egotistical influence of individuals with character disorders, and,
in particular, a large segment of young people.
A proletarian may perceive this power to enslave to be a kind of victory
over higher-class people and thus take the paranoid person’s side. However,
this is not the normal reaction among the common people, where perception of
psychological reality occurs no less often than among intellectuals.
In sum then, the response of accepting paranoid argumentation is
qualitatively more frequent in reverse proportion to the civilization level
of the community in question, although it never approaches the majority.
Nevertheless, paranoid individuals become aware of their enslaving influence
through experience and attempt to take advantage of it in a pathologically
egotistic manner.
We know today that the psychological mechanism of paranoid phenomena is
twofold: one is caused by damage to the brain tissue, the other is
functional or behavioral. Within the above-mentioned process of
rehabilitation, any brain-tissue lesion causes a certain slackening of
accurate thinking and, as a consequence, of the personality structure.
Most typical are those cases caused by an
aggression in the diencephalon37
by various pathological factors, resulting in its permanently decreased
tonal ability, and similarly of the tonus of inhibition in the brain cortex.
Particularly during sleepless nights, runaway thoughts give rise to a
paranoid changed view of human reality, as well as to ideas which can be
either gently naive or violently revolutionary. Let us call this kind
paranoid characteropathy.
37 The posterior
division of the forebrain; connects the cerebral hemispheres with the
mesencephalon; the region of the brain that includes the epithalamus,
thalamus, and hypothalamus. [Editor’s note.]
In persons free of brain tissue lesions, such phenomena most frequently
occur as a result of being reared by people with paranoid characteropathia,
along with the psychological terror of their childhood. Such psychological
material is then assimilated creating the rigid stereotypes of abnormal
experiencing.
This makes it difficult for thought and world
view to develop normally, and the terror-blocked contents become transformed
into permanent, functional, congestive centers.
Ivan Pavlov comprehended all kinds of paranoid states in a manner similar to
this functional model without being aware of this basic and primary cause.
He nevertheless provided a vivid description of paranoid characters and the
above-mentioned ease with which paranoid individuals suddenly tear away from
factual discipline and proper thought-processes.
Those readers of his work on the subject who are
sufficiently familiar with Soviet conditions glean yet another historical
meaning from his little book. Its intent appears obvious. The author
dedicated his work, with no word of inscription, of course, to the chief
model of a paranoid personality: the revolutionary leader Lenin, whom the
scientist knew well. As a good psychologist, Pavlov could predict that he
would not be the object of revenge, since the paranoid mind will block out
the egocentric associations. He was thus able to die a natural death.
Lenin should nevertheless be included with the first and most characteristic
kind of paranoid personality, i.e. most probably due to diencephalic brain
damage.
Vassily Grossman 38
describes him more or less as follows:
Symptom:
Lenin was always tactful, gentle, and
polite, but simultaneously characterized Asthenization, by an
excessively sharp, ruthless, and fixation and stereotypia brutal
attitude to political opponents. He never allowed any possibility that
they might be even minimally right, nor that he might be even minimally
wrong. He would often call his opponents hucksters, lackeys,
servant-boys, mercenaries, agents, or Judases bribed for thirty pieces
of silver. He made no attempt to persuade his opponents during a
dispute. He communicated not with them, but rather with those witnessing
the dispute, in order to ridicule and compromise his adversaries.
Sometimes such witnesses were just a few people, sometimes thousands of
delegates to a congress, sometimes millions worth throngs of newspaper
readers.
38 Vassily
Grossman was a Soviet citizen, a Ukrainian Jew born in 1905. A Communist, he
became a war correspondent, working for the army paper Red Star - a job
which took him to the front lines of Stalingrad and ultimately to Berlin. He
was among the first to see the results of the death camps, and published the
first account of a death camp - Treblinka - in any language. After the war,
he seems to have lost his faith. He wrote his immense novel, Life and Fate (Zhizn
i Sudba) in the 1950s and - in the period of the Khrushchev thaw, which had
seen Alexander Solzhenitsyn allowed to publish A Day on the Life of Ivan
Denisovich - he submitted the manuscript to a literary journal in 1960 for
publication.
But Solzhenitsyn was one thing, Grossman
another: his manuscript was confiscated, as were the sheets of carbon paper
and typewriter ribbons he had used to write it. Suslov, the Politbureau
member in charge of ideology, is reported as having said it could not be
published for 200 years. However, it was smuggled out on microfilm to the
west by Vladimir Voinovich, and published, first in France in 1980, then in
English in 1985.
Why the 200 year ban? Because Life and Fate commits what was still, in a
‘liberal’ environment, the unthinkable sin of arguing for the moral
equivalence of Nazism and Soviet communism. [Editor’s note.]
Frontal characteropathy
The frontal areas of the cerebral cortex
(10A and B acc. to the Brodmann division) are virtually present in no
creature except man; they are composed of the phylogenetically youngest
nervous tissue. Their cyto-architecture is similar to the much older
visual projection areas on the opposite pole of the brain. This suggests
some functional similarity.
The author has found a relatively easy way
to test this psychological function, which enables us to grasp a certain
number of imaginary elements in our field of consciousness and subject
them to internal contemplation. The capacity of this act of internal
projection varies greatly from one person to another, manifesting a
statistical correlation with similar variegation in the anatomical
extent of such areas. The correlation between this capacity and general
intelligence is much lower.
As described by researchers (Luria et al.),
the functions of these areas, thought-process acceleration and
coordination, seem to result from this basic function.
Damage to this area occurred rather frequently:
at or near birth, especially for premature infants, and later in life as a
result of various causes. The number of such perinatal brain tissue lesions
has been significantly reduced due to improved medical care for pregnant
women and newborns. The spectacular ponerogenic role which results from
character disorders caused by this can thus be considered somewhat
characteristic of past generations and primitive cultures.
Brain cortex damage in these areas selectively impairs the above mentioned
function without impairing memory, associative capacity, or, in particular,
such instinct-based feelings and functions as, for instance, the ability to
intuit a psychological situation. The general intelligence of an individual
is thus not greatly reduced. Children with such a defect are almost normal
students; difficulties emerge suddenly in upper grades and affect
principally these parts of the curriculum which place burden on the above
function.
The pathological character of such people, generally containing a component
of hysteria, develops through the years. The non-damaged psychological
functions become overdeveloped to compensate, which means that instinctive
and affective reactions predominate. Relatively vital people become
belligerent, risk-happy, and brutal in both word and deed.
Persons with an innate talent for intuiting psychological situations tend to
take advantage of this gift in an egotistical and ruthless fashion. In the
thought process of such people, a short cut way develops which bypasses the
handicapped function, thus leading from associations directly to words,
deeds, and decisions which are not subject to any dissuasion. Such
individuals interpret their talent for intuiting situations and making
split-second oversimplified decisions as a sign of their superiority
compared to normal people, who need to think for long time, experiencing
self-doubt and conflicting motivations. The fate of such creatures does not
deserve to be pondered long.
Such “Stalinistic characters” traumatize and actively spellbind others, and
their influence finds it exceptionally easy to bypass the controls of common
sense. A large proportion of people tend to credit such individuals with
special powers, thereby succumbing to their egotistic beliefs. If a parent
manifests such a defect, no matter how minimal, all the children in the
family evidence anomalies in personality development.
The author studied an entire generation of older, educated, people wherein
the source of such influence was the eldest sister who suffered perinatal
damage of the frontal centers.
From early childhood, her four younger brothers
exposed to and assimilated pathologically altered psychological material,
including their sister’s growing component of hysteria. They retained well
into their sixties the deformities of personality and world view, as well as
the hysterical features thus caused, whose intensity diminished in
proportion to the greater difference in age.
Subconscious selection of information made it impossible for these men to
apprehend any critical comments regarding their sister’s character; also,
any such comments were considered to be an offense to the family honor.
The brothers accepted as real their sister’s pathological delusions and
complaints about her “bad” husband (who was actually a decent person) and
her son, in whom she found a scapegoat to avenge her failures. They thereby
participated in a world of vengeful emotions, considering their sister a
completely normal person whom they were prepared to defend by the most
unsavory methods, if need be, against any suggestion of her abnormality.
They thought normal woman were insipid and naive, good for nothing but
sexual conquest. Not one among the brothers ever created a healthy family or
developed even average wisdom of life.
The character development of these people also included many other factors
that were dependent upon the time and place in which they were reared: the
turn of the century, with a patriotic Polish father and German mother who
obeyed contemporary custom by formally accepting her husband’s nationality,
but who still remained an advocate of the militarism, and customary
acceptance of the intensified hysteria which covered Europe at the time.
That was the Europe of the three Emperors: the
splendor of three people with limited intelligence, two of whom revealed
pathological traits. The concept of “honor” sanctified triumph. Staring at
someone too long was sufficient pretext for a duel. These brothers were thus
raised to be valiant duelists covered with saber-scars; however, the slashes
they inflicted upon their opponents were more frequent and much worse.
When people with a humanistic education pondered the personalities of this
family, they concluded that the causes for this formation should be sought
in contemporary time and customs. If, however, the sister had not suffered
brain damage and the pathological factor had not existed (exclusionary
hypothesis), their personalities would have developed more normally even
during those times. They would have become more critical and more amenable
to the values of healthy reasoning and humanistic contents. They would have
founded better families and received more sensible advice from wives more
wisely chosen. As for the evil they sowed too liberally during their lives,
it would either not have existed at all, or else would have been reduced to
a scope conditioned by more remote pathological factors.
Comparative considerations also led the author to conclude that Iosif
Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili, also known as Stalin, should be included in the
list of this particular ponerogenic characteropathy, which developed against
the backdrop of perinatal damage to his brain’s prefrontal fields.
Literature and news about him abounds in indications: brutal, charismatic,
snake-charming; issuing of irrevocable decisions; inhuman ruthlessness,
pathologic revengefulness directed at anyone who got in his way; and
egotistical belief in his own genius on the part of a person whose mind was,
in fact, only average. This state explains as well his psychological
dependence on a psychopath like Beria 39.
Some photographs reveal the typical deformation
of his forehead which appears in people who suffered very early damage to
the areas mentioned above.
39 L.P. Beria
(1899–1953), Soviet Communist leader, b. Georgia. He rose to prominence in
the Cheka (secret police) in Georgia and the Transcaucasus, became party
secretary in these areas, and in 1938 became head of the secret police. As
commissar (later minister) of internal affairs, Beria wielded great power,
and he was the first in this post to become (1946) a member of the
politburo. After Stalin’s death (Mar., 1953), Beria was made first deputy
premier under Premier Malenkov, but the alliance was shaky; in the ensuing
struggle for power Beria was arrested (July) on charges of conspiracy. He
and six alleged accomplices were tried secretly and shot in Dec., 1953.
[Editor’s note.]
His typical irrevocable decisions his daughter
describes as follows:
~~~ Whenever he threw out of his heart
someone whom he had known for a long time, classifying him among his
“enemies” in his soul, it was impossible to talk to him about that
person. The reverse process became impossible for him, namely persuasion
that he was not his enemy, and any attempts in that direction made him
fly into a rage. Redens, Uncle Pavlusha, and A.S. Svanidze were
incapable of doing anything about it; all they accomplished was to have
my father break off contacts and withdraw his trust. After seeing any of
them for the last time, he said goodbye as if to a potential foe, one of
his “enemies”…40
~~~ We know the effect of being “thrown out
of his heart”, as it is documented by the history of those times.
When we contemplate the scope of the evil Stalin helped to bring about,
we should always take this most ponerogenic characteropathy into account
and attribute the proper portion of the “blame” to it; unfortunately, it
has not yet been sufficiently studied. We have to consider many other
pathologic deviations as they played essential roles in this macrosocial
phenomenon. Disregarding the pathologic aspects of those occurrences and
limiting interpretation thereof by historiographic and moral
considerations opens the door to an activity of further ponero-genic
factors; such reasoning should be thus regarded as not only
scientifically insufficient but immoral as well.
~~~ Drug-induced characteropathies: During
the last few decades, medicine has begun using a series of drugs with
serious side effects: they attack the nervous system, leaving permanent
damage behind. These generally discreet handicaps sometimes give rise to
personality changes which are often very harmful socially. Streptomycin41
proved a very dangerous drug; as a result, some countries have limited
its use, whereas others have taken it off the list of drugs whose use is
permitted.
40 Svetlana Alliluieva - Twenty Letters to a
Friend.
41 Streptomycin acts by inhibiting protein synthesis and damaging cell
membranes in susceptible microorganisms. Possible side effects include
injury to
the kidneys and nerve damage that can result in dizziness and deafness.
[Editor’s note.]
The cytostatic drugs42 used
in treating neoplastic43
diseases often attack the phylogenetically oldest brain tissue, the primary
carrier of our instinctive substratum and basic feelings.44
Persons treated with such drugs progressively tend to lose their emotional
color and their ability to intuit a psychological situation.
42 Most drugs
that are used to treat cancer kill the cancer cells. The word cytotoxic
means toxic to cells, or cell-killing. Chemotherapy is properly called
“cytotoxic therapy”. There are other treatments that do not kill cancer
cells. They work by stopping the cancer cells from multiplying. These
treatments are called “cytostatic”. The hormone therapies used to treat
breast cancer could be called cytostatic therapy. [Editor’s note.]
43 Neoplasia (literally: new growth) is
abnormal, disorganized growth in a tissue or organ, usually forming a
distinct mass. Such a growth is called a neoplasm, also known as a tumor.
Neoplasia refers to both benign and malignant growths, while “cancer” refers
specifically to malignant neoplasia. [Editor’s note.]
44 Chemo Head is the name given by cancer
patients to one of the side-effects of chemotherapy. It has been described
as an inability to concentrate, reduced memory, or finding it difficult to
think clearly. This could be simply attributed to general fatigue, however
it seems that there are some very specific triggers and results. Some people
get flustered by loud noises and activity around them. Others find that they
cannot find the right words to express themselves. One patient described the
feeling as “everything seems distant ... it takes me a few seconds longer to
think or answer questions. The mental process slows down tremendously.” The
symptoms are similar to those of Attention Deficit Disorder. New research
concludes “chemo head” continued in up to 50% of survivors as long as 10
years following the end of systemic chemotherapy treatment. [Editor’s note.]
They retain their intellectual functions but
become praise-craving egocentrics, easily ruled by people who know how to
take advantage of this. They become indifferent to other people’s feelings
and the harm they are inflicting upon them; any criticism of their own
person or behavior is repaid with a vengeance. Such a change of character in
a person who until recently enjoyed respect on the part of his environment
or community, which perseveres in human minds, becomes a pathological
phenomenon causing often tragic results.
Could this have been a factor in the case of the Shah of Iran?
Again,
diagnosing dead people is problematic, and the author lacks detailed data.
However, this possibility should be accepted as a probability. The genesis
of that county’s present tragedy also doubtless contains pathological
factors which play ponerologically active roles.45
Results similar to the above in the psychological picture may be caused by
endogenous toxins46 or
viruses. When, on occasion, the mumps proceeds with a brain reaction, it
leaves in its wake a discrete pallor or dullness of feelings and a slight
decrease in mental efficiency. Similar phenomena are witnessed after a
difficult bout with diphtheria.
45 Editor’s
reminder that this book was written in 1985.
46 Current Western medical opinion states:
Endogenous toxins include heavy metals, pesticides, food additives, and
industrial and household chemicals. These can damage the liver and kidneys;
they can also cross the blood-brainbarrier and damage brain cells. Workers
exposed to high levels of inhaled manganese showed concentrated levels in
the basal ganglia, and exhibited Parkinson’s-like syndrome. Observational
studies have also shown increased levels of aluminum, mercury, copper, and
iron in the cerebral spinal fluid (CSF) of Parkinson’s patients. It is not
fully determined whether these minerals found in the brain have any clinical
significance. (Mitchell J. Ghen, D.O., Ph.D., and Maureen Melindrez, N.D.)
[Editor’s note.]
Finally, polio attacks the brain, more often the
higher part of the anterior horns, which was affected by the process. People
with leg paresis rarely manifest these effects, but those with paresis of
the neck and/or shoulders must count themselves lucky if they do not. In
addition to affective pallor, persons manifesting these effects usually
evidence naiveté and an inability to comprehend the crux of a matter.
We rather doubt that President F.D. Roosevelt manifested some of this latter
features, since the polio virus which attacked him when he was forty caused
paresis to his legs. After overcoming this, years of creative activity
followed. However, it is possible that his naive attitude toward Soviet
policy during his last term of office had a pathological component related
to his deteriorating health.
Character anomalies developing as a result of brain-tissue damage behave
like insidious ponerogenic factors. As a result of the above-described
features, especially the above-mentioned naiveté and an inability to
comprehend the crux of a matter, their influence easily anchors in human
minds, traumatizing our psyches, impoverishing and deforming our thoughts
and feelings, and limiting individuals’ and societies’ ability to use common
sense and to read a psychological or moral situation accurately.
This opens the door to the influence of other
pathological characters who most frequently carry some inherited
psychological deviations; they then push the charac-teropathic individuals
into the shadows and proceed with their ponerogenic work. That is why
various types of characteropathy participate during the initial periods of
the genesis of evil, both on the macrosocial scale and on the individual
scale of human families.
An improved social system of the future should thus protect individuals and
societies by preventing persons with the above deviations, or certain
characteristics to be discussed below, from any societal functions wherein
the fate of other people would depend upon their behavior. This of course
applies primarily to top governmental positions. Such questions should be
dealt with by an appropriate institution composed of people with a
reputation for wisdom and with medical and psychological training.
The features of brain-tissue lesions and their character disorder results
are much easier to detect than certain inherited anomalies. Thus, stifling
ponerogenic processes by removing these factors from the process of the
synthesis of evil is effective during the early phases of such genesis, and
much easier in practice.
Inherited Deviations
Science already protects societies from the results of some physiological
anomalies which are accompanied by certain psychological weaknesses. The
tragic role played by hereditary hemophilia among European royalty is well
known. Responsible people in countries where the system of monarchy still
survives, are anxious not to allow a carrier of such a gene to become queen.
Any society exercising so much concern over
individuals with blood-coagulation insufficiency or other serious and
life-threatening pathology would protest if a man afflicted with such a
condition were appointed to a high office bearing responsibility for many
people. This behavior model should be extended to many pathologies,
including inherited psychological anomalies.
Daltonists, men with an impaired ability to distinguish red and green colors
from grey, are now barred from professions in which this could cause a
catastrophe. We also know that this anomaly is often accompanied by a
decrease in esthetic experience, emotions, and the feeling of linkage to
people who can see colors normally. Industrial psychologists are thus
cautious whether such a person should be entrusted with work requiring
dependence upon an autonomic sense of responsibility, as workers safety is
contingent upon this sense.
It was discovered long ago that these two above-mentioned anomalies –
hemophilia and color blindness - are inherited by means of a gene located in
the X chromosome, and tracking their transmission through many generations
is not difficult. Geneticists have similarly studied the inheritance of many
other features of human organisms, but they have paid scant attention to the
anomalies interesting us here. Many features of human character have a
hereditary bases in genes located in the same X chromosome; although it is
not a rule. Something similar could apply to the majority of the
psychological anomalies to be discussed below.
Significant progress has recently been made in cognition of a series of
chromosomal anomalies resulting from defective division of the reproductive
cells and their phenotypic psychological symptoms. This state of affairs
enables us to initiate studies on their ponerogenetic role and to introduce
conclusions which are theoretically valuable, something which is in effect
already being done. In practice, however, the majority of chromosomal
anomalies are not transferred to the next generation; furthermore, their
carriers constitute a very small proportion of the population at large, and
their general intelligence is lower than the social average, so their
ponerological role is even smaller than their statistical distribution.
Most problems are caused by the XYY karyotype47
which produces men who are tall, strong, and emotionally violent, with an
inclination to collide with the law. These engendered tests and discussions,
but their role at the level studied herein is also very small.
47
Sandberg, A. A.; Koepf, G. F.; Ishihara, T.; Hauschka, T. S. (August 26,
1961) “An XYY human male”. Lancet 2, 488-9.
Much more numerous are those psychological deviations which play a
correspondingly greater role as pathological factors in the ponerological
processes; they are most probably transmitted through normal heredity.
However, this realm of genetics in particular is faced with manifold
biological and psychological difficulties as far as recognizing these
phenomena. People studying their psychopathology lack biological isolation
criteria. Biologists lack clear psychological differentiation of such
phenomena which would permit studies of heredity mechanics and some other
properties.
At the time most of the observations on which this book is based were being
done, the works of many researchers who have since shed light upon many
aspects of the matters discussed herein, during the latter half of the
sixties, were either nonexistent or unavailable. Scientists studying the
phenomena described below were hacking their way through a thicket of
symptoms based on previous works and on their own efforts.
An understanding of the essence of some of these
hereditary anomalies and their ponerogenic role proved a necessary
precondition for reaching the primary goal. Results were gleaned which
served as a basis for further reasoning. For the sake of the overall
picture, and because the manner elaborated also brings in certain
theoretical values, I decided to retain the methodology of description for
such anomalies which emerged from my own work and from that of others at the
time.
Numerous scientists during the above-mentioned fertile era, and some
subsequent scientists, such as R. Jenkins, H. Cleckley, S.K. Ehrlich, K.C.
Gray, H.C. Hutchison, F. Kraupl Taylor, and others did cast more
stereoscopic light upon the matter.
They were clinicians, concentrating their
attention upon the more demonstrative cases which play a lesser role in the
processes of the genesis of evil, in accordance with the above-mentioned
general rule of ponerology. We therefore need to differentiate those
analogic states which are less intense or contain less of a psychological
deficit.
Equally valuable for ponerology are inquiries concerning the nature
of the phenomena under discussion, which facilitate differentiation of their
essence and analysis of their role as pathological factors in the genesis of
evil.
Schizoidia
Schizoidia, or schizoidal psychopathy, was isolated by the very
first of the famous creators of modern psy-chiatry.48
From the beginning, it was treated as a lighter form of the same hereditary
taint which is the cause of susceptibility to schizophrenia.
However, this
latter connection could neither be confirmed nor denied with the help of
statistical analysis, and no biological test was then found which would have
been able to solve this dilemma. For practical reasons, we shall discuss schizoidia with no further reference to this traditional relationship.
48 Emil Kraepelin
(1856- 1926): German psychiatrist who attempted to create a synthesis of the
hundreds of mental disorders, grouping diseases together based on
classification of common patterns of symptoms, rather than by simple
similarity of major symptoms in the manner of his predecessors. In fact, it
was precisely because of the demonstrated inadequacy of the older methods
that Kraepelin developed his new diagnostic system. Kraepelin also
demonstrated specific patterns in the genetics of these disorders and
specific and characteristic patterns in their course and outcome.
Generally speaking, there tend to be more
schizophrenics among the relatives of schizophrenic patients than in the
general population, while manic-depression is more frequent in the relatives
of manic-depressives. Kraepelin should be credited with being the founder of
modern scientific psychiatry, psychopharmacology and psychiatric genetics,
according to the eminent psychologist H. J. Eysenck in his Encyclopedia of
Psychology. Kraepelin postulated that psychiatric diseases are principally
caused by biological and genetic disorders. His psychiatric theories
dominated the field of psychiatry at the beginning of the twentieth century.
He vigorously opposed the approach of Freud who regarded and treated
psychiatric disorders as caused by psychological factors. (Wikipedia)
Literature provides us with descriptions of several varieties of this
anomaly, whose existence can be attributed either to changes in the genetic
factor or to differences in other individual characteristics of a
non-pathological nature. Let us thus sketch these sub-species’ common
features.
Carriers of this anomaly are hypersensitive and distrustful, while, at the
same time, pay little attention to the feelings of others. They tend to
assume extreme positions, and are eager to retaliate for minor offenses.
Sometimes they are eccentric and odd. Their poor sense of psychological
situation and reality leads them to superimpose erroneous, pejorative
interpretations upon other people’s intentions. They easily become involved
in activities which are ostensibly moral, but which actually inflict damage
upon themselves and others.
Their impoverished psychological worldview makes
them typically pessimistic regarding human nature. We frequently find
expressions of their characteristic attitudes in their statements and
writings: “Human nature is so bad that order in human society can only be
maintained by a strong power created by highly qualified individuals in the
name of some higher idea.” Let us call this typical expression the “schizoid
declaration”.
Human nature does in fact tend to be naughty, especially when the schizoids
embitter other people’s lives. When they become wrapped up in situations of
serious stress, however, the schizoid’s failings cause them to collapse
easily. The capacity for thought is thereupon characteristically stifled,
and frequently the schizoids fall into reactive psychotic states so similar
in appearance to schizophrenia that they lead to misdiagnoses.
The common factor in the varieties of this anomaly is a dull pallor of
emotion and lack of feeling for the psychological realities, an essential
factor in basic intelligence. This can be attributed to some incomplete
quality of the instinctive substratum, which works as though founded on
shifting sand. Low emotional pressure enables them to develop proper
speculative reasoning, which is useful in non-humanistic spheres of
activity, but because of their one-sidedness, they tend to consider
themselves intellectually superior to “ordinary” people.
The quantitative frequency of this anomaly varies among races and nations:
low among Blacks, the highest among Jews. Estimates of this frequency range
from negligible up to 3 %. In Poland it may be estimated as 0.7 % of
population. My observations suggest this anomaly is autosomally hereditary.49
A schizoid’s ponerological activity should be evaluated in two aspects. On
the small scale, such people cause their families trouble, easily turn into
tools of intrigue in the hands of clever and unscrupulous individuals, and
generally do a poor job of raising children.
49 Autosomal: the
disease is due to a DNA error in one of the 22 pairs that are not sex
chromosomes. Both boys and girls can then inherit this error. If the error
is in a sex chromosome, the inheritance is said to be sex-linked. [Editor’s
note.]
Their tendency to see human reality in the doctrinaire and simplistic manner
they consider “proper” – i.e. “black or white” - transforms their frequently
good intentions into bad results. However, their ponerogenic role can have
macrosocial implications if their attitude toward human reality and their
tendency to invent great doctrines are put to paper and duplicated in large
editions.
In spite of their typical deficits, or even an openly schizoi-dal
declaration, their readers do not realize what the authors’ characters are
really like. Ignorant of the true condition of the author, such uninformed
readers thed to interpret such works in a manner corresponding to their own
nature. The minds of normal people tend toward corrective interpretation due
to the participation of their own richer, psychological world view.
At the same time, many other readers critically reject such works with moral
disgust but without being aware of the specific cause.
An analysis of the role played by Karl Marx’s works easily reveals all the
above-mentioned types of apperception and the social reactions which
engendered animosity between large groups of people.
When reading any of those disturbingly divisive works, we should examine
them carefully for any of these characteristic deficits, or even an openly
formulated schizoid declaration. Such a process will enable us to gain a
proper critical distance from the contents and make it easier to dig the
potentially valuable elements out of the doctrinaire material. If this is
done by two or more people who represent greatly divergent interpretations,
their methods of perception will come closer together, and the causes of
dissent will dissipate.
Such a project might be attempted as a psychological
experiment and for purposes of proper mental hygiene.
Essential psychopathy
Within the framework of the above assumptions, let us
characterize another heredity-transmitted anomaly whose role in ponerogenic
processes on any social scale appears exceptionally great. We should also
underscore that the need to isolate this phenomenon and examine it in detail
became quickly and profoundly evident to those researchers – including the
author - who were interested in the macrosocial scale of the genesis of
evil, because they witnessed it. I acknowledge my debt to Kazimierz
Dabrowski 50 in doing this and
calling this anomaly an “essential psychopathy”.
Biologically speaking, the phenomenon is similar to colorblindness but
occurs with about ten times lower frequency (slightly above ½%),51
except that, unlike color blindness, it affects both sexes. Its intensity
also varies in scope from a level barely perceptive to an experienced
observer to an obvious pathological deficiency.
Like color blindness, this anomaly also appears to represent a deficit in
stimulus transformation, albeit occurring not on the sensory but on the
instinctive level.52
Psychiatrist of the old school used to call such individuals “Daltonists of
human feelings and socio-moral values”.
The psychological picture shows clear deficits among men only; among women
it is generally toned down, as by the effect of a second normal allele. This
suggests that the anomaly is also inherited via the X chromosome, but
through a semi-dominating gene. However, the author was unable to confirm
this by excluding inheritance from father to son.
50
Kazimierz Dabrowski (1902-1980):Polish psychologist, psychiatrist,
physician, and poet. Dabrowski developed the theory of Positive
Disintegration, a novel approach to personality development, over his
lifetime of clinical and academic work. [Editor’s note.]
51 Recent research by Robert Hare, then Martha
Stout, and finally Salekin, Trobst, Krioukova, have tended to increase the
probably rate of occurrence in a given population. The latter researchers,
in “Construct Validity of Psycho pathy in a Community Sample: A Nomological
Net Approach”, Salekin, Trobst, Krioukova, Journal of Personality Disorders,
15(5), 425-441, 2001), suggest the prevalence of psychopathy to be perhaps
5% or more, although the vast majority of those will be male (more than 1/10
males versus approximately 1/100 females). [Editor’s note.]
52 Current day research suggests that many of
the characteristics displayed by psychopaths are closely associated with a
profound lack of ability to construct an empathic mental and emotional
“facsimile” of another person. They seem completely unable to “get into the
skin” of others, except in a purely intellectual sense. [Editor’s note.]
Analysis of the different experiential manner demonstrated by these
individuals caused us to conclude that their instinctive substratum is also
defective, containing certain gaps and lacking the natural syntonic
responses commonly evidenced by members of the species Homo Sapiens.53
Our species instinct is our first teacher; it stays with us everywhere
throughout our lives. Upon this defective instinctive substratum, the
deficits of higher feelings and the deformities and impoverishments in
psychological, moral, and social concepts develop in correspondence with
these gaps.
53 What’s missing
in psychopaths are the qualities that people depend on for living in social
harmony. [Editor’s note.]
Our natural world of concepts – based upon species instincts as described in
an earlier chapter - strikes the psychopath as a nearly incomprehensible
convention with no justification in their own psychological experience. They
think that customs and principles of decency are a foreign convention
invented and imposed by someone else, (“probably by priests”) silly,
onerous, sometimes even ridiculous. At the same time, however, they easily
perceive the deficiencies and weaknesses of our natural language of
psychological and moral concepts in a manner somewhat reminiscent of the
attitude of a contemporary psychologist—except in caricature.
The average intelligence of the psychopath, especially if measured via
commonly used tests, is somewhat lower than that of normal people, albeit
similarly variegated. Despite the wide variety of intelligence and
interests, this group does not contain examples of the highest intelligence,
nor do we find technical or craftsmanship talents among them.
The most gifted members of this kind may thus
achieve accomplishments in those sciences which do not require a correct
humanistic world view or practical skills. (Academic decency is another
matter, however.) Whenever we attempt to construct special tests to measure
“life wisdom” or “socio-moral imagination”, even if the difficulties of
psychometric evaluation are taken into account, individuals of this type
indicate a deficit disproportionate to their personal IQ.
In spite of their deficiencies in normal psychological and moral knowledge,
they develop and then have at their disposal a knowledge of their own,
something lacked by people with a natural world view. They learn to
recognize each other in a crowd as early as childhood, and they develop an
awareness of the existence of other individuals similar to them.
They also become conscious of being different
from the world of those other people surrounding them. They view us from a
certain distance, like a para-specific variety. Natural human reactions
- which often fail to elicit interest to normal people because they are
considered self-evident - strike the psychopath as strange and, interesting,
and even comical.
They therefore observe us, deriving conclusions,
forming their different world of concepts. They become experts in our
weaknesses and sometimes effect heartless experiments. The suffering and
injustice they cause inspire no guilt within them, since such reactions from
others are simply a result of their being different and apply only to “those
other” people they perceive to be not quite conspecific. Neither a normal
person nor our natural world view can fully conceive nor properly evaluate
the existence of this world of different concepts.
A researcher into such phenomena can glimpse the deviant knowledge of the
psychopath through long-term studies of the personalities of such people,
using it with some difficulty, like a foreign language. As we shall see
below, such practical skill becomes rather widespread in nations afflicted
by that macro-social pathological phenomenon wherein this anomaly plays the
inspiring role.
A normal person can learn to speak their conceptual language even somewhat
proficiently, but the psychopath is never able to incorporate the world view
of a normal person, although they often try to do so all their lives. The
product of their efforts is only a role and a mask behind which they hide
their deviant reality.
Another myth and role they often play, albeit containing a grain of truth in
relation to the “special psychological knowledge” that the psychopath
acquires regarding normal people, would be the psychopaths’ brilliant mind
or psychological genius; some of them actually believe in this and attempt
to insinuate this belief to others.
In speaking of the mask of psychological normality worn by such individuals
(and by similar deviants to a lesser extent), we should mention the book
The Mask of
Sanity by Hervey Cleckley, who made this very phenomenon the crux
of his reflections.
A fragment:
Let us remember that his typical behavior
defeats what appear to be his own aims. Is it not he himself who is most
deeply deceived by his apparent normality? Although he deliberately
cheats others and is quite conscious of his lies, he appears unable to
distinguish adequately between his own pseudointentions, pseudoremorse,
pseudolove, etc., and the genuine responses of a normal person.
His monumental lack of insight indicates how
little he appreciates the nature of his disorder. When others fail to
accept immediately his “word of honor as a gentleman”, his amazement, I
believe, is often genuine. His subjective experience is so bleached of
deep emotion that he is invincibly ignorant of what life means to
others.
His awareness of hypocrisy’s opposite is so insubstantially theoretical
that it becomes questionable if what we chiefly mean by hypocrisy should
be attributed to him. Having no major value himself, can he be said to
realize adequately the nature and quality of the outrages his conduct
inflicts upon others? A young child who has no impressive memory of
severe pain may have been told by his mother it is wrong to cut off the
dog’s tail. Knowing it is wrong he may proceed with the operation.
We need not totally absolve him of
responsibility if we say he realizes less what he did than an adult who,
in full appreciation of physical agony, so uses a knife. Can a person
experience the deeper levels of sorrow without considerable knowledge of
happiness? Can he achieve evil intention in the full sense without real
awareness of evil’s opposite? I have no final answer to these questions.54
All researchers into psychopathy underline three
qualities primarily with regard to this most typical variety: The absence of
a sense of guilt for antisocial actions, the inability to love truly, and
the tendency to be garrulous in a way which easily deviates from reality.55
54 Hervey
Cleckley: The Mask of Sanity, 1976; C.V. Mosby Co., p. 386.
55 In their paper, “Construct Validity of
Psychopathy in a Community Sample: A Nomological Net Approach,” (op cit.)
Salekin, Trobst, and Krioukova, write: “Psychopathy, as originally conceived
by Cleckley (1941), is not limited to engagement in illegal activities, but
rather encompasses such personality characteristics as manipulativeness,
insincerity, egocentricity, and lack of guilt - characteristics clearly
present in criminals but also in spouses, parents, bosses, attorneys,
politicians, and CEOs, to name but a few. (Bursten, 1973; Stewart, 1991)....
As such, psychopathy may be characterized ...
as involving a tendency towards both dominance and coldness. Wiggins (1995)
in summarizing numerous previous findings... indicates that such individuals
are prone to anger and irritation and are willing to exploit others. They
are arrogant, manipulative, cynical, exhibitionistic, sensation-seeking,
Machiavellian, vindictive, and out for their own gain.
With respect to their patterns of social
exchange (Foa & Foa, 1974), they attribute love and status to themselves,
seeing themselves as highly worthy and important, but prescribe neither love
nor status to others, seeing them as unworthy and insignificant. This
characterization is clearly consistent with the essence of psychopathy as
commonly described. ...
What is clear from our findings is that,
(a) psychopathy measures have converged on a prototype of psychopathy that
involves a combination of dominant and cold interpersonal characteristics;
(b) psychopathy does occur in the community and at what might be a higher
than expected rate; and
(c) psychopathy appears to have little overlap
with personality disorders aside from Antisocial Personality Disorder.”
[Editor’s note.]
A neurotic patient is generally taciturn and has trouble explaining what
hurts him most. A psychologist must know how to overcome these obstacles
with the help of non-painful interactions. Neurotics are also prone to
excessive guilt about actions which are easily forgiven. Such patients are
capable of decent and enduring love, although they have difficulty
expressing it or achieving their dreams. A psychopath’s behavior constitutes
the antipode of such phenomena and difficulties.
Our first contact with the psychopath is characterized by a talkative stream
which flows with ease and avoids truly important matters with equal ease if
they are uncomfortable for the speaker.
His train of thought also avoids those abstract
matters of human feelings and values whose representation is absent in the
psychopathic world view unless, of course, he is being deliberately
deceptive, in which case he will use many “feeling” words which careful
scrutiny will reveal that he does not understand those words the same way
normal people do. We then also feel we are dealing with an imitation of the
thought patterns of normal people, in which something else is, in fact,
“normal”.
From the logical point of view, the flow of
thought is ostensibly correct, albeit perhaps removed from commonly accepted
criteria. A more detailed formal analysis, however, evidences the use of
many suggestive paralogisms.56
56 An
unintentionally invalid argument. [Editor’s note.]
Individuals with the psychopathy referred to herein are virtually unfamiliar
with the enduring emotions of love for another person, particularly the
marriage partner; it constitutes a fairytale from that “other” human world.
Love, for the psychopath, is an ephemeral phenomenon aimed at sexual
adventure. Many psychopathic Don Juans are able to play the lover’s role
well enough for their partners to accept it in good faith. After the
wedding, feelings which really never existed are replaced by egoism,
egotism, and hedonism. Religion, which teaches love for one’s neighbor, also
strikes them as a similar fairytale good only for children and those
different “others”.
One would expect them to feel guilty as a consequence of their many
antisocial acts, however their lack of guilt is the result of all their
deficits, which we have been discussing here.57
The world of normal people whom they hurt is incomprehensible and hostile to
them, and life for the psychopath is the pursuit of its immediate
attractions, moments of pleasure, and temporary feelings of power. They
often meet with failure along this road, along with force and moral
condemnation from the society of those other incomprehensible people.
57 Robert Hare
says, “What I thought was most interesting was that for the first time ever,
as far as I know, we found that there was no activation of the appropriate
areas for emotional arousal, but there was over-activation in other parts of
the brain, including parts of the brain that are ordinarily devoted to
language. Those parts were active, as if they were saying, ‘Hey, isn’t that
interesting.’ So they seem to be analyzing emotional material in terms of
its linguistic or dictionary meaning. There are anomalies in the way
psychopaths process information. It may be more general than just emotional
information. In another functional MRI study, we looked at the parts of the
brain that are used to process concrete and abstract words. Non-psychopathic
individuals showed increased activation of the right anterior/superior
temporal cortex. For the psychopaths, that didn’t happen.”
In their book Psychopathy and Delinquency, W. and J. McCord
say the following about them:
Hare and his colleagues then conducted an
fMRI study using pictures of neutral scenes and unpleasant homicide
scenes. “Non-psychopathic offenders show lots of activation in the
amygdala [to unpleasant scenes], compared with neutral pictures,” he
points out. “In the psychopath, there was nothing. No difference. But
there was overactivation in the same regions of the brain that were
overactive during the presentation of emotional words. It’s like they’re
analyzing emotional material in extra-limbic regions.”
(Psychopathy vs. Antisocial Personality
Disorder and Sociopathy: A Discussion by Robert Hare; crimelibrary.com)
The psychopath feels little, if any, guilt. He
can commit the most appalling acts, yet view them without remorse. The
Psychopath has a warped capacity for love. His emotional relationships, when
they exist, are meager, fleeting, and designed to satisfy his own desires.
These last two traits, guiltlessness and lovelessness, conspicuously mark
the psychopath as different from other men.58
58 McCord, W. &
McCord, J. Psychopathy and Delinquency. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1956.
The problem of a psychopath’s moral and legal responsibility thus remains
open and subject to various solutions, frequently summary or emotional, in
various countries and circumstances.