by Maj. Bart R. Kessler
The views expressed in this academic research paper are those of the
author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the US
government or the Department of Defense.
The phrase “New World Order” has been widely used on the political scene
since first publicly coined by former president,
Bush. Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of the
1990s, few people actually agree on what “New World Order” really means.
Since “New World Order,” while elusive in
definition, is most frequently used to describe aspects of the post Cold War
international scenario, understanding the true meaning of that phrase is
critical to projecting our future strategic environment and prospects for
the new millennium. The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true
Historical analysis will be the primary methodology used to reveal the
meaning of George Bush’s specific terminology describing his concept of “New
In a January 16, 1991 speech, he identified the
opportunity to build a New World Order,
“where the rule of law… governs the conduct
of nations,” and “in which a credible United Nations can use its
peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the UN’s
These words will be dissected and historically
analyzed to develop a clear picture of “New World Order.”
Additionally, the primary mechanisms for
implementing New World Order will be addressed; and finally, specific
strategic environment and national security implications will be drawn from
What “New World
Out of these troubled times, our…objective -
a New World Order - can emerge… Today, that new world is struggling to
be born, a world quite different from the one we have known…
- Former President George
Bush September 11, 1990
The phrase, “New World Order” has been widely
used since first coined by George Bush in his 1990 speech before a joint
session of Congress.
Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of
the 1990s, few people actually agree on what “New World Order” really means.
It has been used to describe such diverse contemporary issues as the post
Cold War balance of power, economic interdependence, fragmentation and the
rise of nationalism, and technology advancement and integration - basically
any issue that appears new and different.
The general feeling is that while elusive, this
“New World Order” is likely significant. Since “New World Order” is most
frequently used to describe aspects of the post Cold War international
scenario, understanding the true meaning of that phrase is critical to
projecting our future strategic environment and prospects for the new
The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true
New World Order Interpretations
In relation to world politics, there are a few basic paradigm-driven
interpretations of the New World Order.
Joseph Nye, in his 1992 Foreign Affairs
article, “What New World Order?” identifies two of those:
“Realists, in the tradition of Richard Nixon
and Henry Kissinger, see international politics occurring among
sovereign states balancing each others’ power. World order is the
product of a stable distribution of power among the major states.
Liberals, in the tradition of Woodrow Wilson and Jimmy Carter, look at
relations among peoples as well as states. They see order arising from
broad values like democracy and human rights, as well as from
international law and institutions such as the United Nations.” 1
Another dichotomy of New World Order
interpretations is presented by Lawrence Freedman in his Foreign
Affairs article, “Order and Disorder in the New World.”
“The first [interpretation] is that the
slogan reflects a presumption that international institutions and, in
particular, the United Nations, will be taking a more active and
important role in global management… [T]he second interpretation…[is]
that the phrase ‘New World Order’ is merely descriptive, requiring no
more than acceptance that the current situation is unique and clearly
different in critical respects” from the past.” 2
The struggle to ascertain George Bush’s true
meaning of New World Order is not unique to this author.
Richard Falk, in his 1993 work, The
Constitutional Foundations of World Peace, struggled with the realist
and liberalist - or more aptly termed - globalist interpretations.
“We could never be quite sure, especially in
the months of crisis leading up to the war itself, whether George Bush
was promising a new structure of international relations based on
respect for international law and on centrality for the United Nations,
or whether his use of the phrase ‘a New World Order’ was little more
than a bid for public support and an invitation that governments join
the North in one further war in and against the South.” 3
So far there are three New World Order paradigms
presented: realist based, focused on balance of power; globalist based,
focused on global management and
United Nations (UN); and finally, idealist based, focused on
nothing more than the identification of change.
To make an accurate assessment of Bush’s precise
meaning, more information is obviously needed.
On January 16, 1991, he further clarified his
position in a speech announcing the hostilities with Iraq by identifying the
opportunity to build a New World Order,
“where the rule of law… governs the conduct
of nations,” and “in which a credible United Nations can use its
peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the UN’s
These specifics in describing Bush’s concept of
New World Order clearly lean toward the
Joseph Nye pointed out, that the,
“1991 Persian Gulf War was, according to
President Bush, about ‘more than one small country; it is a big idea; a
New World Order…” 5
Bush’s words, highlighted in the quote above,
will be analyzed in detail to reveal the nature of his globalist “big idea”
called New World Order.
Specifically, Chapter 2 will focus on the
identification of the “UN’s founders.” Chapter 3 will attempt to frame their
“vision.” Chapter 4 will address a “credible United Nations” and its
“peacekeeping role.” Chapter 5 will analyze “the rule of law” in terms of
governing “the conduct of nations.”
Following the detailed analysis of Bush’s words,
the mechanisms for implementing the New World Order will be addressed in
Chapter 6 as well as the implications of New World Order in Chapter 7.
Chapter 8 will reflect this authors final thoughts on the subject.
1 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “What New World
Order?” Foreign Affairs (Spring 1992), 84.
2 Lawrence Freedman, “Order and Disorder in the New World,” Foreign
Affairs (1991/1992), 22.
3 Richard A. Falk, Robert C. Johansen, and Samuel S. Kim, The
Constitutional Foundations of World Peace (Albany, N.Y.: State
University of New York Press, 1993), 13.
4 George Bush, “Operation Desert Storm
Launched,” Address to the Nation from the White House, 16 January 1991.
US Department of State Dispatch (21 January 1991), 38.
5 Nye, 83.
The United Nations’ Founders
Forty-five years ago, while the fires of an
epic war still raged across two oceans and two continents, a small group
of men and women began a search for hope amid the ruins. They gathered
in San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and horror, to try to
shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream.
- George Bush October 1,
Interpreting Bush’s concept of New World Order
begins with identifying the “UN’s founders.”
Who were these men and women “gathered in San
Before pursuing that question, though, it is
interesting to note that Bush was not basing his “big idea” on the founding
fathers of this great nation, but on a less infamous group of UN founders.
In fact, our nation’s founding fathers may not have been enamored with the
whole concept of a United Nations.
For instance, George Washington commented
in his farewell address that,
“the great rule of conduct for us in regard
to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, but to have
with them as little political connection as possible.” 1
San Francisco Conference
The United Nations charter was established at the San Francisco Conference
in June, 1945. By analyzing the events leading up to the conference and
identifying some of the key players, it may be possible to pinpoint Bush’s
The War and Peace Studies of World War II provided the backdrop for
the development of the United Nations. After 1942, all study groups of the
War and Peace Studies shifted focus from the war effort to developing the
structure and responsibilities of the future United Nations organization.2
“quite a few members of the War and Peace
Studies groups, after leaving the program, participated in the
preparatory conference at Dumbarton Oaks or served in advisory positions
at the organizing conference of the United Nations in San Francisco in
June 1945. Some of them actually attained positions of considerable
So exactly who were these people that
transitioned from the War and Peace Studies to the development and
establishment of the United Nations?
On 12 September, 1939, more than two years prior
to United States involvement in World War II, Hamilton Fish Armstrong
(then editor of the Council on Foreign Relations publication, Foreign
Affairs) and Walter Mallory (then Executive Director of the Council)
contacted the State Department to offer the services of the
Council on Foreign Relations.
“The men of the Council proposed a…program
of independent analysis and study that would guide American foreign
policy in the coming years of war and the challenging new world that
would emerge after. The project became known as the War and Peace
Aware of the fact that the State Department
would not be able to create a brain trust within a short period of time,
both Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Hull’s undersecretary,
Sumner Welles, agreed to the Council’s plan.5
The State Department/Council relationship was
not public knowledge, though.
Isaiah Bowman, then a Council on
Foreign Relations Director, wrote in November of 1939 that,
“the matter is strictly confidential,
because the whole plan would be ‘ditched’ if it became generally known
that the State department is working in collaboration with any outside
Over the next five years, almost 100 men,
financed by nearly $350,000 from the Rockefeller Foundation, formulated 682
memoranda and drafts for the State Department.
The studies were divided into four primary
economic and financial
security and armaments
...all headed and staffed by Council members.7
Determining the precise impact of those
memoranda on the decisions of the State Department is impossible, but
Armstrong and Mallory were convinced that their efforts both defined the
boundaries of debate within the government and secured the Council’s role as
the center of attention for setting foreign policy priorities.8
The cooperation between the Council and the State Department was further
enhanced when, in 1942, the State Department invited Council members to
participate in the newly created Advisory Committee on Postwar Foreign
“This group…concentrated on the United
Nations organization, the successor to the League of Nations, a subject
that always received keen attention at Council meetings.” 9
In the spring of 1943, Armstrong and Norman
H. Davis (a Council Director) proposed a plan to Secretary of State Hull
for a “supranational organization” based on the Wilsonian ideals of liberal
internationalism. Hull subsequently asked Davis to present the proposal to
Roosevelt liked the idea and within a short time blueprints for a charter of
the successor to the League of Nations were drafted and discussed... In his
discussions with Davis, President Roosevelt proposed changes, and Davis
introduced these into the discussions and revisions of drafts. Roosevelt, in
August 1943, took the final draft with him to the Quebec Conference, where
it was accepted by Britain’s Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Foreign
With only minor changes, the text was taken to
Moscow and signed by delegates of the United States, Great Britain, China,
and the Soviet Union as the
Moscow Declaration on 1 November 1943.
In this document, the nations not only pledged
to coordinate and cooperate in their war aims but also declared,
‘that they recognized the necessity of
establishing at the earliest predictable date a general international
organization, based on the sovereign equality of all peace-loving
states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for
the maintenance of international peace and security.’ 10
The framework for the United Nations was clearly
in place. The culmination would come at the San Francisco Conference.
Authors of the subject disagree as to the specific amount of influence
levied by the Council.
Dan Smoot, in
The Invisible Government, concludes
“The crowning moment of achievement for the
Council came at San Francisco in 1945, when over 40 members of the
United States Delegation to the organizational meeting of the United
Nations…were members of the Council.” 11
Cleon Skousen in
The Naked Capitalist deduced a
different number when he said:
“There were 74 CFR members in the American
delegation to the UN Conference at San Francisco in 1945.… These…CFR
members occupied nearly every significant decision-making spot in the
American delegation…” 12
Whatever the number, it is clear that the
Council was a major player in both the conference and the founding of the
Even Michael Wala, who is much less
convinced of the power of the Council than Smoot and Skousen, said in
The Council on Foreign Relations and American Foreign
Policy in the Early Cold War that,
“only in the founding of the United Nations
did their [Council] discussions about organization and responsibilities
have a direct and immediate impact.” 13
Based the discussion so far, it seems reasonable
to conclude that Bush’s “UN’s founders,” are represented, maybe not
entirely, but at least in large part by the Council on Foreign Relations.
A more detailed look at the Council is required,
though, to determine their importance as related to a New World Order.
Council on Foreign Relations
Council on Foreign Relations, as a “UN
founder,” to play a significant role in the creation of Bush’s New World
Order, one would think that they must have some impact on the formulation
and/or implementation of American foreign policy.
The relationship between the Council and
American foreign policy will now be further analyzed.
The internationalist ideal of the United Nations was not new.
The Council members viewed this as a “second
chance” at internationalism through a supranational organization.14
The first, the League of Nations, was a concept formulated with the help of
the “The Inquiry,” the predecessor to the War and Peace Studies and
catalyst for the creation of the Council on Foreign Relations.
The Inquiry was a working,
“fellowship of distinguished scholars tasked
to brief Woodrow Wilson about options for the postwar world once the
Kaiser and imperial Germany fell to defeat.” 15
In the few years immediately following the Paris
Peace Conference, the leaders of the Inquiry established the Council on
“The vision that stirred the Inquiry became
the work of the Council on Foreign Relations over the better part of a
century,” according to the Council’s own 75 year history, Continuing The
The Council was formally incorporated on July
29, 1921 with the specific purpose,
“to afford a continuous conference on
international questions affecting the United States.” 17
As supporters of Wilson and the League of
Nations, Council members were greatly disillusioned by the Senate’s
rejection of the League and the swell of isolationist sentiment in America.
They “resolved to awaken America to its
worldwide responsibilities.” 18
Hence, began the Council’s long-standing drive
to advocate globalist foreign policies. Their internationalist bent was
clearly demonstrated by one of the Council’s first internal controversies.
Within the first year or so of the Council’s existence, an avowed
isolationist was invited to speak at private Council dinner meeting.
Many members were outraged.
“Russell C. Leffingwell, a partner of J.P.
Morgan’s bank, refused to stand at the lectern alongside an
isolationist; Paul Warburg of Kuhn Loeb vented outrage that an
‘uneducable demagogue’ should be offered Council hospitality.” 19
In response, Isaiah Bowman, of the
original Inquiry, presented a different perspective:
“What has Wall Street to gain by refusing to
hear even a demagogue? Certainly if he is a dangerous demagogue we ought
all the more to hear him to discover why he is dangerous and just how
dangerous he is.” 20
This episode established the precedent for
Hamilton Fish Armstrong’s strategy of presenting the Council as impartial by
inviting varied speakers, but limiting the membership to those “influential
figures who shared an internationalist perspective.” 21
Foreign Policy Process Impact
The Council on Foreign Relations has been singled out as one of the most
influential organizations impacting American foreign policy.22
The degree to which the Council has influenced foreign policy over the last
75 years is heavily debated; the fact that it has is not. The Council on
Foreign Relations is populated with powerful figures from all walks of life.
Their own 25 year history stated that,
“the Council’s membership has been unusual
in that it has included leaders of industry and finance, authorities on
international law, economics, and international relations, officers of
the Foreign Service and of the armed services of the United States in
Washington and abroad, and prominent authors, editors and newspapermen.
Members have thus had direct access to the facts which affect foreign
Numerous United States presidents, secretaries
of state, CIA directors, and many other influential foreign policy positions
have been filled with names from the rolls of the Council on Foreign
Just by scanning the very short list of Council
on Foreign Relations past and present Directors and Officers, one can
quickly identify several key players in our recent administrations:
A review of the entire Council roll (which this
author did not have the resources to pursue) would produce many more.
The Council on Foreign Relations, because of wealthy, influential members
the Rockefellers, has been traditionally
associated with the “elites” in America and has been referred to by some as
representative of the “Eastern Establishment.”
There are many conspiracy theories associated
with the Council’s influence on American foreign affairs. This paper is not
intended to adopt any of those theories, but to show that regardless of
support for these theories, most students of the Council have concluded that
there is substantial linkage between the Council and American foreign
Michael Wala, who clearly denies support for the conspiracy view, still
concludes at the very end of his book, that,
“the Council on Foreign Relations provided a
well-organized, yet informal, link between elites concerned with U.S.
foreign relations and the administration. At the same time it served as
a connection between elite and public opinion. The Council thus
fulfilled an important function in a corporatist strategy to devise the
foreign policy of the United States.” 25
Professor G. William Domhoff has
concluded in his studies that through the Council,
“the power elite formulates general
guidelines for American foreign policy and provides the personnel to
carry out this policy.” 26
As an example, he highlights that twelve of
fifteen presidential committees dealing with aspects of foreign and military
policy established between 1945 and 1972 were headed by members of the
Council on Foreign Relations.27
Anthony Lukas debunked the conspiracy theory in his article, but
pointed out that,
“everyone knows how fraternity brothers can
help other brothers climb the ladder of life. If you want to make
foreign policy, there’s no better fraternity to belong to than the
Carroll Quigley, a former Georgetown
professor, who once taught President Clinton, provided the most intriguing
commentary on the subject.
In his 1966 mammoth 1300 plus page work,
Tragedy and Hope - A History of the World in Our Time,
Quigley commented on the conspiracy theory:
“This radical Right fairy tale, which is now
an accepted folk myth in many groups in America, pictured the recent
history of the United States… as a well-organized plot by extreme
Left-wing elements… to destroy the American way of life.” 29
He goes on to further clarify that,
“this myth, like all fables, does in fact
have a modicum of truth. There does exist, and has existed for a
generation, an international Anglophile network… I know of the
operations of this network because I have studied it for twenty years
and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its
papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its
aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its
“The two ends of this English-speaking axis
have sometimes been called, perhaps facetiously, the English and
American Establishments. There is, however, a considerable degree of
truth behind the joke, a truth which reflects a very real power
The linchpin is that Quigley identifies the
“American Establishment” half of the “Anglophile network” as the Council on
These words probably provide the greatest
testimony of the power and influence of the Council on Foreign Relations
because they come from a man on the inside intimately familiar with the
organization and its linkage to the foreign policy process.
Regardless of their perspective, several students and one insider of the
Council have all concluded that the Council is a significant player in the
American foreign policy process.
This author would have to agree despite the
Council’s defense that it is nothing more than,
“a privately sponsored, privately financed,
privately managed post-graduate academy of political science,
functioning in the true spirit of public service.” 33
This picture just doesn’t wash with the comments
of members such as Richard Barnet who stated that,
“membership in the Council on Foreign
Relations…is a rite of passage for an aspiring national security
manager… The Council takes itself very seriously.” 34
Given the Council’s role as a “UN founder” and
their influence on foreign policy, two more linkages need to be
discussed prior to proceeding.
The first is the role of the Council
publication, Foreign Affairs
The second is the relationship between
the Council and tax exempt foundations
Part of the Council on Foreign Relation’s purpose is to provide a foreign
affairs educational forum.
One of their primary tools to achieve that
purpose is their publication, Foreign Affairs. Officially, Foreign Affairs
does not represent the views of the Council, but those of individuals, and
is open to all perspectives. However, Wala and Schulzinger have slightly
Wala points out that through discussion groups
and Foreign Affairs, Council members sought to,
“build a consensus, not of the broad public,
but of the elites of finance and business, of academicians at
prestigious universities, and of ‘responsible’ officials in the State
Department. This was to serve as the basis and legitimization of foreign
policy decisions. When results of the discussion at the at the Council
were considered important and relevant, they could be published in
Foreign Affairs.” 35
Schulzinger, in The Wise Men of Foreign
Affairs adds that,
“while the editors saw themselves as the
models of impartiality, no reader could be fooled into thinking that the
journal was anything other than a plea for forward United States foreign
Since articles published in Foreign Affairs
primarily represent the ideologies and policies important to the Council,
they will be frequently utilized as primary sources later in this paper.
It is important to note that the Council on Foreign Relations is not a
stand-alone entity with a monopoly on foreign policy influence.
No one organization can be all powerful in
today’s complex society. There are many influential organizations, but the
Council is one of the few that has been consistently identified throughout
the last 75 years.
One additional linkage important to highlight for the rest of this analysis,
though, is that of tax exempt foundations.
Republican Congressman Carroll Reese,
heading a Special Committee on Tax-Exempt Foundations, concluded the
following in his final report published December 16, 1954 by the Government
Miss Casey’s report (Hearings pp.8777, et
seq.) shows clearly the interlock between The Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, and some of its associated organizations, such as
the Council on Foreign Relations and other foundations, with the State
They have undertaken vital research projects
for the Department; virtually created minor departments or groups within
the Department for it; supplied advisors and executives from their
ranks; fed a constant stream of personnel into the State Department
trained by themselves or under programs which they have financed; and
have had much to do with the formulation of foreign policy both in
principle and detail.…
They have, to a marked degree, acted as
direct agents of the State Department.…What we see here is a number of
large foundations, primarily The Rockefeller Foundation, The Carnegie
Corporation of New York, and the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, using their enormous public funds to finance a one-sided approach
to foreign policy and to promote it actively, among the public by
propaganda, and in the Government through infiltration.
The power to do this comes out of the power
of the vast funds employed.37
Nearly twenty years later, Professor Domhoff
further evidenced the linkage by pointing out that,
“in 1971, 14 of 19 Rockefeller Foundation
trustees were members of the Council on Foreign Relations, with 4 of
those members also serving as directors of the council. Ten of 17
trustees of the Carnegie Corporation, as the most important of four
Carnegie foundations is named, were members of the council at that time,
as were 7 of 16 trustees at the Ford Foundation.” 38
The foundations have provided a funding source
for many activities of the Council and related organizations. Recall the
earlier mentioned financier of the War and Peace Studies - the Rockefeller
The foundation linkage will reappear in later
discussions on the “vision” of the “UN founders.”
George Bush and New World Order Linkage
Two final questions need to be addressed prior to proceeding.
The first is, could George Bush have actually
inferred involvement of an organization like the Council on Foreign
Relations in his “UN founders” phrase? Given Bush’s long-standing
involvement with the organization, it seems reasonable to conclude that the
answer is, yes!
Bush was on the Council Board of Directors in
the years 1977-1979 and a member long before that.39 He stepped
down from the boards of the Council, Yale, and the
Trilateral Commission to shed his “establishment” image prior to
his run for the Republican presidential nomination.40
But, despite early momentum, he lost the 1980
Republican primary to Ronald Reagan due largely to what Holly
“right wing opposition to his…association
with the Eastern Establishment.” 41
Obviously, Bush knows a thing or two about the
workings of the Council and as such, clearly understands their linkage to
the formation of the United Nations.
The second question is, why has such a significant amount of effort gone
into describing the relationships of the Council on Foreign Relations prior
to proceeding with the analysis of Bush’s New World Order words?
Understanding the Council relationship is critical to establishing the
framework for the upcoming description of New World Order vision and
Council related writings will therefore provide
the predominant sources for the rest of this paper.
1 Gary Allen, Say “No!” to the New
World Order (Seal Beach, Calif: Concord Press, 1987), 13.
2 Michael Wala, The Council on Foreign Relations and American
Foreign Policy in the Early Cold War (Providence, R.I.: Berghahn Books,
3 Ibid., 44.
4 Peter Grose, Continuing the Inquiry: The Council on Foreign
Relations From 1921 to 1996 (New York, N.Y.: Council on Foreign
Relations, 1996), 23.
5 Wala, 31.
7 Grose, 23.
8 Robert D. Schulzinger, The Wise Men of Foreign Affairs (New
York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1984), 79.
9 Wala, 34.
10 Ibid., 35.
11 Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government (Dallas, Tex.: The Dan Smoot
Report, 1962), 5.
12 Cleon W. Skousen, The Naked Capitalist. Salt Lake City, Utah:
Reviewer, 1970), 52.
13 Wala, 42.
14 Ibid., 43.
15 Grose, 1.
17 John W. Davis, The Council on Foreign
Relations, 1921-1946 (New York, N.Y.: Council on Foreign Relations,
18 Anthony J. Lukas, “The Council on Foreign Relations--Is It a Club?
Seminar? ‘Invisible Government’?” The New York Times Magazine (21
November 1971), 124.
19 Grose, 15.
21 Schulzinger, 18.
22 Wala, ix.
23 Davis, p11
24 Grose, 69-72.
25 Wala, 243.
26 Lukas, 124.
27 William G. Domhoff, Who Rules America Now? (New York, N.Y.: Simon &
Schuster, Inc., 1983), 133.
28 Lukas, 125.
29 Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope-A History of the World in Our Time
(New York, N.Y.: MacMillan Company, 1966), 949.
30 Quigley, 950.
31 Ibid., 956.
32 Ibid., 952.
33 Schulzinger, 246.
34 Ibid., 248.
35 Wala, 12.
36 Schulzinger, 11.
37 Smoot, 163.
38 Domhoff, 93.
39 Grose, 70.
40 Schulzinger, 239.
41 Holly Sklar, ed. Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite
Planning for World Management (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1980),
New World Order Vision
In a quite literal sense, world order
visions can, like religion, act as opiates… It is necessary to practice,
as well as preach, global reform, and to embody world order values in
present public policy choices.
- Richard A. Falk World
Order Models Project
The current task at hand is to build a clear
picture of the New World Order “promise and vision” of Bush’s UN founders.
To accomplish this, the ideas that evolved from the War and Peace studies
will first be examined. Then two, more contemporary world order studies
related to the Council on Foreign Relations will be evaluated.
The aspects of New World Order vision that
impact national security strategy are those that will be highlighted.
War and Peace Studies
In his 1992 Foreign Affairs article, Joseph Nye, comparing the
present with the past, concluded that,
“when the decline of Soviet power led to
Moscow’s new policy of cooperation with Washington in applying the UN
doctrine of collective security against Baghdad, it was less the arrival
of a New World Order than the reappearance of an aspect of the liberal
institutional order that was supposed to have come into effect in 1945.”
And the vision of that liberal institutional
order was driven by the Council’s War and Peace Studies. The first critical
challenge to world order vision was to resolve the competing nature of
universal order on one hand and national sovereignty on the other.
Walter R. Sharp, a general working on the
War and Peace Studies Politics group, denounced the,
“popular fetishism of sovereignty” and
advocated the creation of “an international society which will be
physically secure, economically stable, and culturally free.” 2
Sharp foresaw the advancement of economic
interdependence as means of eroding national barriers.
On the security side, the studies concluded that the new United Nations must
have responsibility for policing international disorders. Several
recommendations were presented for the creation of an international
police-like force. Rather than creating a true multinational army, Colonel
George Fielding Eliot advocated assigning whole units of national
forces on a two-year rotating basis to UN command.
Eliot’s fear of a permanent UN multinational
police force was that a centralized Chief of Staff,
“devoid of nationality and the restraints of
loyalty and his own country’s laws, might well seek to carve out a
Napoleonic future of his own.” 3
Another Armaments group staffer, Theodore P.
Wright, presented a truly visionary strategy for international policing
which may be viewed as a prophesy of the outcome of the Gulf War.
Wright foresaw air power as the wise solution to
overcoming the difficulties of forging a true international army. Air power
provided the opportunity for awesome destructiveness while employing
relatively few personnel.
“The war has…taught us the lesson that now,
with the advent of air power, the small state is indefensible, a
position analogous to that of the feudal castle with the advent of
Minor powers lacked air forces of any
significance and were helpless against superpower fighters and bombers
acting under UN direction.
He expected an international air force to apply
“quick and certain” retribution against peace violators. Such action,
according to Wright would promote the “development of feelings of world
The Gulf War could be viewed as fulfillment of that vision. Asymmetrical
coalition air forces under UN authority (via resolution) provided the “quick
and certain” retribution against the violator, Iraq.
In fact, George Bush alluded to the,
“development of feelings of world
citizenship” when he hoped that out of the “horror of combat,” Iraq
would recognize that “no nation can stand against a united world” and
bring itself to “rejoin the family of peace-loving nations.” 5
Grayson Kirk, also of the Armament group,
envisioned the necessity of an “intermediate arrangement” between the jump
from world war to world sovereignty. He advocated an intermediate step of
regional security arrangements built around the United States, Great
Britain, Soviet Union, and China. Additionally, he felt that regionalism
could only be a catalyst for international integration if it remained
informal and flexible.6
The Council strongly backed the loosening of the definition of American
interests to include applying military force “wherever a serious threat to
peace may arise.”
Aggressor nations must be thwarted by collective
force. As such, a criteria for determining aggression must be established.
The Armaments group identified an aggressor as
“nation which has 1) committed specified,
overt military acts; 2) steadfastly refused to submit their dispute to
an international agency; and 3) refused to comply with the decisions of
these agencies.” 7
The War and Peace Studies therefore
formulated a foundational vision of a New World Order of transitional
sovereignty, aided by economic interdependence; collective security
maintaining international order through a multinational police force under
centralized authority; and, a shift from unilateral actions based solely on
national interests to support of collective actions based on common
interests, especially against “aggressor nations.”
The authors of the War and Peace Studies provided both the framework
of the New World Order vision and the realization that the international
transformation would be a long term venture.
Unlike their Paris Peace Conference
predecessors, the studies staffers recognized that shift to greater world
sovereignty would take time and that the,
“United States would have to participate in
years of conferences to create the New World Order.” 8
In addition, regional arrangements would provide
the stepping stone to world order.
Since this evolution - as predicted - has been a long term venture, it pays
to look at some more recent Council related studies to provide more fidelity
to the contemporary New World Order vision.
In the 1970s, two independent studies related to New World Order were
One, the World Order Models Project, was
directed by Council member and former Rutgers Professor of Law, Saul H.
Mendlovitz, with heavy academic contributions by another Council member,
Princeton Professor Richard A. Falk, and financed by the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace and the Rockefeller Foundation. 9
The second, The 1980s Project, was an
extensive study produced by the Trilateral Commission, a Council offshoot
created by David Rockefeller to focus on developing trilateral regional
cooperation between the United States, Western Europe, and Japan.
World Order Models Project
Richard Falk and other World Order Models Project (WOMP)
contributors give credit to Mendlovitz as having “done much to shape the
course of this world order journey” over the past 25 years.10
The WOMP provides probably the most idealistic
vision for the New World Order, concentrating on evolving a “transnational
framework of world order values, thinking, and action.” 11
The four central world order values are:
“(1) The minimization of large-scale
collective violence; (2) the maximization of social and economic
well-being; (3) the realization of fundamental human rights and
conditions of political justice; (4) the rehabilitation and maintenance
of environmental quality, including the conservation of resources.”
It is interesting to note that Robert S.
McNamara was a member of the WOMP Sponsoring and Policy Review
Committee.13 The WOMP, while idealistic, was surely not utopian.
Mendlovitz describes the action-oriented WOMP
“In fact, each author was asked to attempt a
diagnosis of the contemporary world order system, make prognostic
statements based on that diagnosis, state his preferred future world
order and advance coherent and viable strategies of transition that
could bring that future into being. A stringent time frame [for
implementation], the 1990s, served to discipline and focus thought and
There was also general agreement that we
should go beyond the nation-state system…to use a much broader range of
potential actors, including world institutions, transnational actors,
international organization, functional activities, regional
arrangements, the nation-state, subnational movements, local
communities, and individuals.” 14
While the WOMP values seem mundane enough, their
conclusions were not.
With the main concern of the WOMP being war and
its destructive nature, one of their central New World Order visions in
Falk’s A Study of Future Worlds was the,
“dismantling [of] the national security
apparatus in the major states of the world.” 15
Hidemi Suganami, in his review of world
order proposals, summarizes Falk’s New World Order guiding principles as
world disarmament, establishment of an international police force to settle
disputes, implementation of a global checks and balances system, and
constitution of a coordinating body to provide unity to the global
WOMP-related work has continued throughout the years. Mendlovitz more
recently developed specific time phased objectives to support what he called
a “Movement For A Just World Peace.”
His short run objectives for 1991-1993 included,
“initiating an annual process of five
percent reductions in defense budgets over a ten-year period with
savings being allocated for basic needs, domestically and globally.”
His intermediate targets for 2001-2003 included:
the “establishment of a small but
permanent peacekeeping force for the UN with the authority of
humanitarian intervention in civil wars”
the “submission to the compulsory
jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice for all treaties
concluded during and after the decade of 1990”
the “establishment of a court to deal
with individuals who commit crimes against humanity”
And finally, Mendlovitz’s long range goals for
2011-2013 were much more ambitious.
a “global tax scheme to establish and
maintain a basic needs regime for global society”
a “complete and general disarmament with
alternative security system in place”
a “regional and global human rights
regime with compulsory jurisdiction” 17
Mendlovitz presents a vision of evolutionary
disarmament accompanied by corresponding strengthening of a UN security
apparatus. Additionally, he advocates a mechanism - global tax - to fund
international organizations and foresees an enhancement of international
This vision at first blush may seem somewhat
radical, but a closer look shows it not to be far off the mark. The process
of disarmament, spurred by the end of the Cold War, did in fact begin about
the time Mendlovitz predicted. The UN security apparatus has strengthened
through the course of recent activities in Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti, and
The United States seems to have fully adopted
the concept of UN sponsored and supported actions based on the extent of
UN/multinational related doctrine being published by the Department of
Defense. Several recommendations for a tax on international flights to
financially support the UN have recently been presented, the most notable by
former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali.18
And finally, the enhancement of international
judiciary powers is demonstrated by such recent events as the 1996
swearing-in of 21 judges constituting the International Tribunal for the Law
of the Sea.19
The reason for success in implementing world order visions is not chance.
These visionaries do not perceive their actions as academic exercises. They
do not advocate passive acceptance of evolutionary world order shifts, but
active engineering of the transition process.
Falk clearly states that,
“transition tactics and strategy involve
accelerating the process and devising ways to assure its completion in
accordance with our specified value preferences. In this sense, it
adopts an activist or engineering posture…” 20
Later, in A Study of Future Worlds, Falk
provides a specific strategy:
“Symbolic world leaders such as the
Secretary General of the United Nations or
Pope might espouse [the WOMP agenda]… as a program for the
future, and national leaders in prosperous, homogenous, and stable
countries of intermediate size such as Sweden or Canada may also be led
to lend open support.
These kinds of external developments,
together with much more vital citizen efforts within the United States,
would initiate a world order dialectic within American politics that
would begin to break down decades of adherence to [the Westphalian
system] and its infrastructure of values, perceptions, and
The articulated philosophies of former
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and the active advocacy of UN
peacekeeping by Canada, may be evidence of reasonable success of Falk’s
twenty year old strategy.
There is one additional New World Order project which needs to be addressed
prior to proceeding. In the 1970s, the Council on Foreign Relations,
primarily through its offshoot - the Trilateral Commission - undertook a
five year, $1.6 million research effort titled the “1980s Project.”
According to its Director, Richard H. Ullman,
the 1980s Project was,
“the largest single research and studies
effort the Council on Foreign Relations has undertaken in its…history,
comparable” only to the War and Peace Studies of World War II.22
The 1980s Project’s task was to define the
issues and policies required to respond to a post Cold War international
scenario. Unlike its predecessors, the Inquiry and the War and Peace
Studies, the 1980s Project was a study effort open to members and
non-members, and openly published to stimulate a broad professional audience
- not just government decision-makers.23
The primary focus of the 1980s Project was social and economic issues, but a
few security related studies were pursued. In fact, Cyrus Vance,
former Council director, chaired a group charged with studying weapons of
mass destruction immediately prior to becoming Secretary of State.24
One clear influence on our current military
came from the study titled International
Disaster Relief (1977)
It recommended that Washington should do more to
coordinate its relief efforts to assist flood, earthquake, famine, and other
disaster victims. Relief agencies should be given more direct responsibility
And, all nations should accept the,
“common responsibility of all people and
governments to provide protection and relief to the victims of natural
This concept has manifest itself this decade in
the likes of Somalia and Rwanda. The United States has adopted humanitarian
assistance as a military mission and corresponding military doctrine is
currently on the street and being written to more effectively involve the
relief agencies in humanitarian assistance operations.
The 1980s Project, under the auspices of the Trilateral Commission,
primarily involved authors from the United States, Europe, and Japan. The
broadly based recommendations ignored the centrality of the Cold War and as
a whole indicted the “narrow, ethnocentric, and ideological course of
American foreign policy since 1945.26
The diverse set of policy recommendations,
clearly globalist in nature, advocated an incremental approach to functional
interdependence. The project ideas, while seemingly ahead of their time, set
the agenda for the next couple of decades. The Carter administration
attempted to implement some of the 1980s Project “world order politics” in
1977 and 1978, but fell victim to the reality of the Cold War.27
The Council, in its own historical account, again highlights its ability to
influence the implementation of its own world order ideas:
“As it turned out, the title of the project
was a little premature; not until the 1990s did the issues explored
truly dominate the international agenda. But many 1980s Project authors
were by then installed in government policy-making positions, and when
the Cold War came to its unexpectedlysudden end the Council had provided
for the public record an impressive database for the global issues
confronting coming generations.” 28
By analyzing the above studies, the “vision of the UN founders” comes into a
little better focus.
The vision is clearly globalist.
a shift in sovereignty from the state to
the international level
increased authority, security, and
judicial powers of an international body
a focus on “common” interests of
collective vs. unilateral security
enhanced social and economic
interdependence through functionalism
some significant level of military
disarmament of the nation states
This New World Order vision provides the
framework for interpreting a “credible United Nations” and its “peacekeeping
role” in the upcoming chapter.
1 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “What New World
Order?” Foreign Affairs (Spring 1992), 90.
2 Robert D. Schulzinger, The Wise Men
of Foreign Affairs (New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1984),
3 Ibid., 88.
4 Ibid., 90.
5 George Bush, “Operation Desert Storm
Launched,” Address to the Nation from the White House, 16 January 1991.
US Department of State Dispatch (21 January 1991), 38.
6 Schulzinger, 90-91.
7 Ibid., 92-93.
8 Ibid., 108.
9 Richard A. Falk, A Study of Future
Worlds (New York, N.Y.: Free Press, 1975), xxvii.
10 Richard A. Falk, Robert C. Johansen, and Samuel S. Kim. The
Constitutional Foundations of World Peace (Albany, N.Y.: State
University of New York Press, 1993), 3.
11 Falk, Johansen, and Kim, 3.
12 Falk, 11.
13 Ibid., xxxi.
14 Ibid., xxii-xxiii.
15 Ibid., 17.
16 Hidemi Suganami, The Domestic Analogy and World Order Proposals
(Cambridge, Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 149.
17 Richard A. Falk, Samuel S. Kim, and Saul H. Mendlovitz, eds., The
United Nations and a Just World Order. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press,
18 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “Groping for a New World Order.” U.S. News &
World Report, (28 September 1992), 52.
19 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, United Nations Press Release SG/SM/6089
SEA/1534 18 October 1996 (On-line. Internet, 25 March 1997. Available
from http://www.un.org), 1.
20 Falk, 280.
21 Ibid., 419.
22 Schulzinger, 225.
23 Peter Grose, Continuing the Inquiry: The Council on Foreign Relations
From 1921 to 1996 (New York, N.Y.: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996),
24 Schulzinger, 231.
25 Ibid., 234.
27 Ibid., 236.
28 Grose, 62.
A Credible United Nations and its
The founding of the United Nations embodied
our deepest hopes for a peaceful world.
- George Bush October 1,
To be “credible,” the United Nations is
dependent upon the full development of its “peacekeeping role” as envisioned
by its founders.
As a second attempt to implement Wilsonian-like
internationalism, the United Nations must achieve international credibility
to shed the stigma of its aborted predecessor, the League of Nations.
The interdependence between credibility and
peacekeeping is most clearly articulated by former Secretary-General Boutros
“Under Article 42 of the Charter, the
Security Council has the authority to take military action to maintain
or restore international peace and security. While such action should
only be taken when all peaceful means have failed, the option of taking
it is essential to the credibility of the United Nations as guarantor of
international security.” 1
So, credibility of the UN as a guarantor of
international security is contingent upon having both the authority and
means to take military action. In understanding the UN’s peacekeeping role,
it is important to note the semantic difference between war and peacekeeping
from the UN founders’ perspective.
Peacekeeping is a more contemporary word for what the UN founders envisioned
as international police action.
Payson Wild of the War and Peace
Studies Armaments group distinguished between war and international
policing (or peacekeeping in today’s vernacular) by defining police action
as force used “in behalf of the community” for “the maintenance of order and
the establishment of the supremacy of law” versus war which is “conducted
for a national authority” to achieve “the defeat of the enemy.”
Policing or peacekeeping implied that armed
forces are “under community control and used only against those who break
community laws.” 2 The supremacy of law in this context relates
to Bush’s “rule of law” which will be covered in the next chapter.
Roosevelt himself used the police analogy in describing credible UN
“The Council of the United Nations must have
the power to act quickly and decisively to keep the peace by force, if
In discounting the extreme leverage applied by
Security Council members such as the United States, Roosevelt continued his
“A policeman would not be a very effective
policeman if, when he saw a felon break into a house, he had to go to
the Town Hall and call a town meeting to issue a warrant before the
felon could be arrested.” 4
Again, it is clear that the UN must possess both
the authority and means to be an effective and credible international
The authority comes through reduction in the role of the Security Council
veto. The “means” most generally advocated is that of a permanent UN
Robert C. Johansen in the WOMP related
work, The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace explains:
“To give a substantial boost to its
capacities for war prevention, the United Nations needs a permanent
peacekeeping force of its own.
A permanent force could be immediately
available; it would be less subject to charges of bias than ad hoc
personnel now drawn from the national armed forces of UN members; it
could be more effectively trained, organized, and better commanded,
equipped with specialized units, and judiciously employed to carry out
the unusually delicate tasks of peacekeeping, which seldom resemble
conventional military action.…
The proposed UN force could help stimulate
the transition to a warless world because it would remind nations of the
difference between police enforcement and military action.” 5
He then paints a very quaint picture of
international police enforcement:
“Armies try to achieve victory; police seek
tranquility. Police try to enforce law on individuals, whereas armies
impose their will on entire societies. Although UN peacekeepers
sometimes carry arms, these soldiers have no enemies.” 6
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, also a permanent
force advocate, recommended that negotiations commence to create the,
“special agreements foreseen in Article 43
of the Charter, whereby Member States undertake to make armed forces,
assistance and facilities available to the Security Council for the
purposes stated in Article 42, not only on an ad hoc basis but on a
permanent basis.” 7
He felt that the end of the Cold War removed the
major political obstacles preventing earlier fulfillment of this Charter
Burns H. Weston, another Constitutional Foundations of World Peace
author, provides the most comprehensive strategy for achieving “credible” UN
guaranteeing military units trained for
peacekeeping to the UN on a permanent standby basis
stockpiling military equipment and
supplies to support short notice peacekeeping operations
avoiding the obstructions posed by the
Security Council veto by instituting automatic peacekeeping actions
based on predetermined levels of crisis or thresholds of conflict
and automatic financing arrangements
ensuring access to areas of conflict
without requiring initial or continuing permission of theconflicting
tying UN peacekeeping to peacemaking to
ensure focus on the desired end-state of long-term stability in the
In summary, further clarification of George
Bush’s words identifies a New World Order where a “credible United Nations”
achieves authority by minimizing the role of Security Council veto and uses
permanently assigned/allocated armed forces in a “peacekeeping role” to
fulfill the international policeman “vision of the UN’s founders.”
1 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda
for Peace--Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping” Report
of the Secretary-General, 17 June 1992 (Online.Internet, 25 March 1997.
Available from http://www.un.org/Docs/SG/agpeace.html.), 9.
2 Robert D. Schulzinger, The Wise Men
of Foreign Affairs (New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1984),
3 Hidemi Suganami, The Domestic
Analogy and World Order Proposals (Cambridge, Great Britain: Cambridge
University Press, 1989), 121.
5 Richard A. Falk, Robert C. Johansen, and Samuel S. Kim. The
Constitutional Foundations of World Peace (Albany, N.Y.: State
University of New York Press, 1993), 46-47.
6 Falk, Johansen, and Kim, 47.
7 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda
for Peace”, 9.
8 Falk, Johansen, and Kim, 362.
Rule of Law
America and the world must support the rule
of law. And we will.
- Former President George
Bush September 11, 1990 Address before Congress
Our ideal is a world community of States which are based on the rule of
law and which subordinate their foreign policy activities to law.
- Mikhail Gorbachev December
7, 1987 Address to the UN General Assembly
Critical to the interpretation of Bush’s call
for a New World Order “where the rule of law... governs the conduct of
nations,” is the understanding of the context of “rule of law.”
It is interesting that while using the same
“rule of law” phrase in their addresses, Bush failed to provide any
clarification of meaning, yet Gorbachev explicitly highlighted that states
“subordinate their foreign policy activities to law.” 1
Former Secretary of State James Baker provided some “rule of law”
clarification on September 26, 1990 when he advised the House Foreign
Affairs Committee that,
“we must act so that international laws, not
international outlaws, govern the post-Cold War period. We must act so
that right, not might, dictates success in the post-Cold War world.… We
must stand with the world so that the United Nations does not go the way
of the League of Nations.” 2
Henry Kissinger additionally pointed out
that “conventional American thinking” supports the notion of “a New World
Order,” emerging from a “set of legal arrangements.” 3
It is important to note the linkage created
between New World Order, rule of law-international law, and the United
Nations. Just how would these New World Order “legal arrangements” of
international law be implemented and what is the relationship to the United
James Baker once again provided some insight.
Responding to House Foreign Affairs Committee
questioning, Baker said that we, the United States,
“are party to the United Nations’ charter by
virtue of a treaty, a treaty that basically says we will respect the
decisions of that body.” 4
Author Laura L. Kirmse, after researching
the details of Baker’s premise, has concluded that Bush’s New World Order
refers to a move toward world authority under the auspices of a revitalized
United Nations, and that UN treaties, once ratified by the Senate, may
override and supersede the laws of the US, and even the Constitution itself.5
The Constitution of the United States directs the following in regard
(Article II, Section 2) He (the President)
shall have the power by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to
make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur…
(Article VI) This Constitution, and the laws
of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all
treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United
States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every
State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of
any State to the contrary not withstanding.6
In the Jeffersonian tradition, treaties were
intended to affect state-to-state actions, not to have direct authority
within a country over the laws, regulations, or the relationship between the
government and its citizens.
Several legal decisions and constitutional
interpretations have demonstrated otherwise, though. Kirmse identifies
several legal rulings which support the supremacy of the UN Charter.
Fuji v. the State of California provides the
most eye-opening position:
The Charter of the United Nations, as a
treaty, is paramount to every law of every state in conflict with it.
The Charter of the United Nations, upon ratification of the Senate,
became supreme law of the land, within Constitutional provision relating
to treaties, and every state is required to accept and act upon the
Charter according to its plain language, and its unmistakable purpose
and intent. United Nations Charter. 59 Stat.1035 et seq.; U.S. Const.
art. 6. (Fuji v. State of California, 217P.2d. rehearing denied).7
John Foster Dulles understood this concept well
as attested by these comments made in a 1952 speech [documented in the
Congressional Record] of his prior to being appointed Secretary of State:
“The treaty-making power is an extraordinary
power liable to abuse. Treaties make international law and also they
make domestic law. Under our Constitution, treaties become the supreme
law of the land. They are indeed more supreme than ordinary laws, for
congressional laws are invalid if they do not conform to the
Constitution, whereas treaty laws can override the Constitution.
Treaties, for example, can take powers away
from the Congress and give them to the Federal Government or to some
international body and they can cut across the rights given the people
by the Constitutional Bill of Rights.” 8
Several wise Americans in the 1950s began to
fear both the legal power of United Nations-related treaties to supersede
the Constitution and the vague authority of the President through the
“conduct of foreign affairs” to bind the United States legally by executive
agreements requiring no Senate ratification.
The deals at Yalta between President Roosevelt
and Stalin, the Potsdam agreement between President Truman and Stalin, and
according to then Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, over 10,000 NATO
agreements all fall within the context of “executive agreements.” Many were
As a result, Senator John W. Bricker,
supported by 63 other Senators, sponsored an amendment to close the
perceived Constitutional loopholes.
The Bricker Amendment would have added
the following language to clarify the Constitution:
A provision of a treaty which conflicts with
this Constitution shall not be of any force or effect. A treaty shall
become effective as internal law in the United States only through
legislation which would be valid in the absence of treaty.
Congress shall have power to regulate all executive and other agreements
with any foreign power or international organization. All such
agreements shall be subject to the limitations imposed on treaties by
Although seemingly patriotic and simple, the
amendment was killed by President Eisenhower.10
Not to infer cause and effect, but only to note
the curious - Dwight D. Eisenhower was a member of the Council on
Foreign Relations.11 The fears that United States citizens may be
legally subject to trials of international courts were not suppressed.
The House Foreign Affairs Committee discussion with Secretary of State Baker
in September of 1990 reveals that this concern is not antiquated:
Sen. Moynihan: Does the President have a
constitutional right to violate international treaties?
Secretary Baker: No.
Sen. Moynihan: A treaty is the supreme law
of the land?
Secretary Baker: That’s right.12
The evidence of constitutional logic, legal
precedence, and executive and legislative intent seems to support Kirmse’s
“By the signing of the treaty to join the
United Nations in 1942 and by the signing of the revised Charter in 1945
- which are both multilateral treaties and constituent agreements - both
the Constitution and the sovereignty of the United States were in effect
relinquished under an established precedent in favor of rule by the
United Nations, its Charter, and all subsequent treaties formulated and
signed under UN auspices.
Our laws in all jurisdictions must conform
Constitutionally by treaty to those of the United Nations, much as our
state laws had to conform to those of the Constitution.” 13
The international “rule of law” then has the
potential to govern much more than the “conduct of nations.”
It also may govern the conduct of the
individual. In the Council on Foreign Relations and American Assembly
(founded in 1950 by Dwight D. Eisenhower) 1992 work,
Rethinking American Security - Beyond Cold War to
New World Order, John H.
Barton and Barry E. Carter identify the most notable aspects of
international law evolution over the last 50 years.
They recognized that,
“the individual person has emerged as an
independent actor” demonstrating that “the international system is no
longer confined to relations among nations.” And, “national and
international tribunals are offering new - and more effective - means
for enforcing international law.” 14
Former UN Secretary-General Boutros
Boutros-Ghali provided insight into recent events related to international
law and tribunals.
In his 1992 Agenda for Peace, Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, in an attempt to reinforce the role of the International
Court of Justice, recommended that,
“all Member States should accept the general
jurisdiction of the International Court under Article 36 of its Statute,
without any reservation, before the end of the United Nations Decade of
International Law in the year 2000.” 15
Note the similarity to Mendlovitz’s WOMP decade
of the 1990s goal of “submission to the compulsory jurisdiction of the
International Court of Justice” identified in Chapter 3.
The most revealing fulfillment of Barton and Carter’s revelation was the
October 1996 swearing-in ceremony of twenty-one Law of the Seas Tribunal’s
Judges by Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
During his swearing-in statement, Boutros
“This is a situation without precedent in
international law... With the establishment of this Tribunal we enter a
new era. The Tribunal will be a modern institution upholding the rule of
law not only between States, but also among States, the International
Seabed Authority, companies and individuals engaged in the exploitation
of the international seabed area.” 16
Boutros Boutros-Ghali continues with words that
seem to be extracted directly from Bush’s New World Order speech:
“The Tribunal has an important role to play
in the building of an international society governed by the rule of law.
The Law of the Sea Tribunal will be part of the system for peaceful
settlement of disputes as laid down by the founders of the United
It seems like everyone in the business of New
World Order is singing from the same sheet of music.
Nearly twenty years ago, Peter Jay, in his 1979 Foreign Affairs article,
“Regionalism as Geopolitics,” noted that:
“The Carter Administration has done much in
its UN role…to reestablish the American willingness to play by the rules
of a system of international law…But the threads of a particular action
have not been woven together into a generally understood…doctrine or
strategy to capture the imagination and respect of a suspicious, cynical
and unstable world. That will be a worthy task for a new year, a new
decade and, perhaps, a new presidential term.” 18
The breakdown of the Soviet Union and the end of
the Cold War reduced the suspicion and cynicism by creating the perception
The 1990s then provided George Bush the
opportunity to fulfill Jay’s New World Order prophesy.
the “rule of law” wheels of
international justice are turning
the New World Order train has left the
the Americans on board have no knowledge
of the destination
1 Richard A. Falk, Robert C. Johansen,
and Samuel S. Kim. The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace
(Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1993), 149.
2 Laura L. Kirmse, “The United Nations
and the New World Order,” Conservative Review (June 1991), 3.
3 Graham Allison, and Gregory F. Treverton, eds., Rethinking
America’s Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order (New York, N.Y.:
W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1992), 239.
4 Kirmse, 3.
5 Ibid., 2.
6 Ibid., 3.
7 Ibid., 4-5.
8 Ibid., 4.
9 “ABC’s of Bricker Amendment,” U.S.
News and World Report (22 January 1954), 39.
10 Kirmse, 4.
11 Kent and Phoebe Courtney, Disarmament: A
Blueprint for Surrender. (La.: Pelican Printing Company, 1963), 167.
12 Kirmse, 4.
14 Allison, 280.
15 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda for Peace--Preventive Diplomacy,
Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping” Report of the Secretary-General, 17 June
1992 (Online.Internet, 25 March 1997. Available from
16 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, United Nations Press Release SG/SM/6089
SEA/1534, 18 October 1996 (On-line. Internet, 25 March 1997. Available
from http://www.un.org.), 12.
17 Ibid., 2.
18 Peter Jay, “Regionalism as Geopolitics.”
Foreign Affairs, Vol. 58, No. 3 (1979), 514.
The Road to New World Order
Something of a world-wide order has been set
up, by the general consent of mankind, and is in active work, of which
it is impossible to say that any parallel existed before.
- F. S. Marvin The New
World order as a set of concepts, objectives,
and strategies is anything but “new.”
George Bush was not the father of New World
Order thinking, just an advocate that happened to be in the right
position at the right time to flame the fires of the next significant thrust
in the evolutionary development of world order.
The Bush instigated post-Cold War New World
Order thrust can be interpreted as the third major attempt in this century
to create a world ordered by a “credible” universal authority enforcing the
international “rule of law” through collective security measures, police
action or “peacekeeping.”
The “vision” of world order has remained fairly
constant throughout this century; specific strategies for attainment,
though, have varied widely. The climax of the three most significant world
emotional events in this century, World War I, World War II, and the Cold
War, have provided the catalyst for successive attempts at New World Order.
The first two attempts were manifested in the
form of the League of Nations and the United Nations. The third attempt at
achieving New World Order is much more complex, amorphous, and difficult to
Discernment of the third attempt is the subject
of this chapter.
Third Try at New World Order
The epigraph quote on the previous page by F.S. Marvin referred to
the world order precedent set by the formation of the League of Nations.
Marvin was careful to point out, though, that
the League was an important symbol, but not the genesis or end-all of world
“World co-operation, of which the League of
Nations is the symbol and the chief organ, is the characteristic of the
new age…” 1
He provides further clarification by describing
the New World Order goal and limited role of the League:
“The League then, though the chief political
fact since the War, should be regarded as a part only of a great
movement and set of organizations all having as their purpose to
implement this new consciousness of world-unity… Nationality must rank
below the claims of mankind as a whole, but in its immediate effects on
individuals it is of greater moment.” 2
So, we can see that 65 years ago, there was
perceived to be a New World Order movement towards world unity and decreased
nationality/sovereignty. The League was an unparalleled symbol of the
movement, but a symbol nonetheless. The League, as a mechanism of the world
order movement, failed to fulfill expectations largely due to lack of
support from isolationist Americans.
Recall from Chapter 2 the framework for the League of Nations was formulated
by the “Inquiry” - the predecessor to the Council on Foreign Relations
World War II War and Peace Studies. World War II conveniently provided
an opportunity for the “founders of the UN” to propose a second attempt at
world order which would presumably account for the flaws inherent in the
In Michael Wala’s words:
“The Council members, like so many other
internationalists, were convinced that the United States should not let
this ‘second chance’ to participate in a supranational organization
The establishment of the United Nations became
the second attempt.
Although more successful than its predecessor,
the UN again failed to meet New World Order expectations largely because of
the Cold War friction between the United States and the Soviet Union.
International dynamics had to change for the world to accept a “credible” UN
fulfilling the “vision” of its “founders.”
The trigger event was the fall of the Berlin
Wall and corresponding end to the Cold War. The fact, though, is the third
attempt, very dissimilar to the first two, was well under way prior to that
Evidence of this was provided by Harlan
Cleveland, former Assistant Secretary of State, former Ambassador to
NATO, and member of the Council on Foreign Relations, in his comments
regarding a 1976 report he helped author, United Nations, released by the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations:
“I hope that in the hearing and whatever
report is released by the Committee, you will make a distinction between
the future of the United Nations and the future of world order. There is
a long agenda of creative effort just ahead, a complex agenda of
international action… Taking it all together, this amounts to a third
try at world order - the League of Nations having died and the United
Nations being unable in its present condition to cope.” 4
New World Order Paths
The third attempt, more complicated than the others, involves traversing
three interlinked paths that pave the road to world order.
One path involves strengthening the powers of
the United Nations and its associated institutions to enhance their world
authority. The second path on the road to New World Order is through
The idea is to develop regional entities that
bind states through super-state political, economic, and legal arrangements.
The third path is built on the foundation of
piecemeal functionalism whereby functional issues such as economics and
trade, environmental conservation, and weapons of mass destruction
proliferation drive international interdependence and further international
law constraints. Much of “piecemeal functionalism” is directly related to UN
The following sections briefly describe the
historical and recent support for the three paths on the road to world
United Nations Strengthening
The call for strengthening the United Nations from the world order advocates
has been strong and consistent.
Robert Ducci in his 1964 Foreign Affairs
article, “The World Order in the Sixties,” said that:
“It is indeed difficult to see how the world
order is to be kept... unless the United Nations undergoes a thorough
overhaul. Not inconceivably the two present superpowers may one day
agree that the strengthening of the United Nations might be in the
interest of both.… If that happens, the future organization of the world
might not be very dissimilar in principle from the one which was drafted
in Dumbarton Oaks 20 years ago by the victors of World War II.” 5
A detailed plan for strengthening the UN was
articulated by John Logue, Vice-President of World Federalist
On December 4, 1985, he gave the following
testimony to the Human Rights and International Organization subcommittee of
the House Foreign Affairs Committee joint hearing on the United Nations:
It is time to tell the world’s people not
what they want to hear, but what they ought to hear.…[W]e must reform,
restructure and strengthen the United Nations and give it the power and
authority and funds to keep the peace and promote justice. The Security
Council veto must go. One-nation, one-vote must go. The United Nations
must have taxing power or some other dependable source of revenue.
It must have a large peacekeeping force. It
must be able to supervise the dismantling and destruction of nuclear and
other major weapons systems. In appropriate area, particularly in the
area of peace and security, it must be able to make and enforce law on
Over the last few years, almost all of those
recommendations have been pursued by the United Nations and its supporters.
As one example, Boutros Boutros-Ghali was aided
by the Ford Foundation (tax-exempt foundation link to financing New World
Order strategies) in creating an advisory group of financial specialists and
bankers to identify “dependable sources of revenue.” Their recommendations
included imposing a UN tax on international plane tickets.7
Another example was the previously discussed
establishment of the International Law of the Sea Tribunal providing the
mechanism “to make and enforce law on the individual.”
The continuous strengthening and legitimization of the UN sets the stage for
Bush’s observation that:
“Not since 1945 have we seen the real
possibility of using the United Nations as it was designed…” 8
The strategy of building world order on the framework of regionalism has
also been around for quite some time.
In 1929, N.S.B. Gras in his Foreign
Affairs article, “Regionalism and Nationalism,” stated:
“The direct effect of regionalism may be to
make the state weaker politically but stronger economically and
socially. Or the region, looking to regional convenience, may make new
alignments leading to the creation of new states, or to international
states (European, American, and so on), or ultimately to a world state.”
Gras emphasized the importance of the region to
a “super-state of some kind.”
The “region, which because it is nearer to
the individual, is likely to exercise a more potent influence over him.”10
A reasonably accurate fulfillment of this vision
is found in the European Community which is well on its way to becoming a
super-state containing its own political, economic, and judicial systems.
A more radical concept in the evolutionary development of world order
regionalism was presented in 1949 by Maurice Parmelee in Geo-Economic
Regionalism and World Federation:
“There can be no permanent peace so long as
each nation retains its sovereignty. There can be no effective world
organization to solve the economic and social problems of mankind so
long as the nation is the unit of organization. The region, limiting
national sovereignty and furnishing a suitable unit of organization for
a world federation, is a practicable solution.” 11
Parmelee further specifies that,
interdependence…rather than self-sufficiency,” and that, “geo-economic
regionalism is by far the most constructive proposal for the future of
the world.” 12
In fact, geo-economic, interdependent
regionalism is exactly the policy advocated and pursued over the last
twenty-five years by the Trilateral Commission. The Trilateral
Commission was founded in July 1973 by David Rockefeller, then Council on
Foreign Relations Chairman of the Board. Its purpose was previewed by
Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor,
Council Director, and Trilateral Commission President, in his 1973 Foreign
Affairs article when he stated that,
“the active promotion of such trilateral
[American-European-Japanese] cooperation must now become the central
priority of U.S. policy.” 13
Brzezinski and the
Trilateral Commission took their mission very seriously:
“Creation of the Trilateral Commission
reflects an awareness that the present moment is of very great
importance for the future of mankind.” 14
With the Cold War still at the forefront of
international relations, the Trilateral Commission seemed somewhat
omniscient when in the 1970s they observed that the,
“bipolar leadership system of the cold war
is diffusing into what may be the first truly global political system,
with many actors playing significant parts at different levels.” 15
The Trilateral Commission recognized that this
third attempt at world order, building a “global political system” primarily
through economic interdependence, would not come quickly:
The renovation of the international system
will be a very prolonged process. The system created after World War II
was created through an act of will and human initiative in a relatively
restricted period of time. One power had overwhelming might and
influence, and others were closely associated with it.
In contrast, a renovated international
system will now require a process of creation - much longer and more
complex - a process in which prolonged negotiations will have to be
engaged and developed. In nurturing habits and practices of working
together among the trilateral regions, the Commission should help set
the context for these necessary efforts.16
The Commission’s primary undertaking was to
create a new international economic order through trilateral cooperation.
Some of their early successes were highlighted
by former Washington Post reporter, Jeremiah Novak:
“According to sources in the State
Department, the trilateral papers have directly influenced the summoning
of the Rambouillet and Puerto Rican conferences, the sale of IMF gold,
the Law of the Sea conferences, the formation of the International
Energy Agency, and steps to establish a new international currency,
which replaces the U.S. dollar and gold. The commission’s record and its
powerful influence after the 1976 elections deserve a great deal of
Recall that trilateral regionalism represents
only one world order path.
In the words of William Hoar,
“Trilateralism…is only a way station on the
road to the New World Order.” 18
Boutros Boutros-Ghali provided the contemporary
linkage between regionalism and the first path to world order, UN
strengthening. In his “Agenda for Peace” speech, Boutros-Ghali said,
“…regional arrangements or agencies can
render great service if their activities are undertaken in a manner
consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the Charter…” 19
His focus at that point was security
arrangements, but the concept of regional linkage to UN authority applies
Not to lose sight of the objective of this analysis - interpreting George
Bush’s meaning of “New World Order” - it is important to come full cycle to
Bush’s vision as articulated to the United Nations General Assembly:
“I see a world building on the emerging new
model of European unity - not just Europe but the whole world, whole and
The final, and most intriguing path supporting the third attempt at world
order is referred to as piecemeal functionalism. Several Council on Foreign
Relations related authors and studies have advocated world order strategies
based on piecemeal functionalism.
The Trilateral Commission recommends piecemeal
functionalism as a means of achieving the interdependence between nations
and regions as discussed in the previous section.
The 1977 Trilateral Commission Task Force
Report, Towards a Renovated International System, laid out a specific
definition and strategy for piecemeal functionalism:
“In general, the prospects for achieving
effective international cooperation can often be improved if the issues
can be kept separate - what we call piecemeal functionalism.…Coalitions
of specialists can be built across national boundaries in specific
functional areas, blunting the nationalism that might otherwise hinder
The same countries which will often indulge
in fanciful rhetoric in a broad, multipurpose organization (such as
various UN agencies) will often be negotiating seriously and
cooperatively in another organization (such as GATT) on the same issue
at the very same time.” 21
Richard N. Gardner, former Carter
advisor, Ambassador to Italy, Council member, and Columbia University law
professor, presented the most revealing look at an integrated New World
Order strategy in his 1974 Foreign Affairs article, “The Hard Road to World
He answered the call for an innovative third
attempt at world order by advocating a decentralized functional - ”piecemeal
functionalism” - approach anchored by the “rule of law” and integrated with
the United Nations:
In this unhappy state of affairs, few people
retain much confidence in the more ambitious strategies for world order
that had wide backing a generation ago... If instant world government,
Charter review, and a greatly strengthened International Court do not
provide the answers, what hope for progress is there?
The answer will not satisfy those who seek
simple solutions to complex problems, but it comes down essentially to
this: The hope for the foreseeable future lies, not in building up a few
ambitious central institutions of universal membership and general
jurisdiction as was envisaged at the end of the last war, but rather in
the much more decentralized, disorderly and pragmatic process of
inventing or adapting institutions of limited jurisdiction and selected
membership to deal with specific problems on a case-by-case basis, as
the necessity for cooperation is perceived by relevant nations.
Such institutions of limited jurisdiction
will have a better chance of doing what must be done to make a ‘rule of
law’ possible among nations... In short, the ‘house of world order’ will
have to be built from the bottom up rather than from the top down. It
will look like a great ‘booming, buzzing confusion,’…but an end run
around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece, will accomplish
much more than an old-fashioned frontal assault.
Of course, for political, as well as
administrative reasons, some of these specialized arrangements should be
brought into an appropriate relationship with the central institutions
of the UN system….22
Gardner’s specific functional
institution-building issues were: the international monetary system,
international trade, environment, population explosion, food shortages, the
world’s oceans, weapons proliferation, and peacekeeping.23
All of those issues have indeed been catalysts
for international action over the last twenty-three years. It’s apparent
that the international growth of interdependence at the functional level
that we have experienced over the last quarter of a century may not have
been the result of random “booming, buzzing confusion,” but in fact a more
calculated strategy of world order.
Twenty-three years seems to be beyond the
planning range of most, but not Gardner and certainly not the Council.
Gardner realistically explained that:
“Some may object that a generation of
arduous and possibly futile negotiations on specific functional problems
is not a very inspiring prospect.…The road to world order will still be
a long and hard one, but since the short cuts do not lead anywhere we
have no choice but to take it.” 24
1 F. S. Marvin, ed., The New
World-Order. (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, Inc., First
published 1932, reprinted 1967), 8.
2 Ibid., 3.
3 Michael Wala, The Council on Foreign Relations and American
Foreign Policy in the Early Cold War (Providence, R.I.: Berghahn Books,
4 Gary Allen, Say “No!” to the New World Order (Seal Beach, Calif:
Concord Press, 1987), 58.
5 Roberto Ducci, “The World Order of the Sixties,” Foreign Affairs
(April 1964), 390.
6 Gary Allen, 54.
7 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “Groping for a New World Order,” U.S.
News & World Report (28 September 1992), 52.
8 George Bush, “The UN: World Parliament of Peace,” Address before
the United Nations General Assembly, New York City, October 1, 1990. US
Department of State Dispatch (8 October 1990), 151.
9 N. S. Gras, “Regionalism and Nationalism,” Foreign Affairs Vol
7, No 3 (April 1929), 466.
10 Gras, 467.
11 Maurice Parmelee, Geo-Economic Regionalism and World Federation (New
York, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1949), v.
12 Parmelle, 1-3.
13 Zbigniew Brzezinski, “U.S. Foreign Policy: The Search for Focus,”
Foreign Affairs (July 1973), 723.
14 Trilateral Commission Task Force Reports: 1-7. A Compilation of
Reports from the First Two Years of the Trilateral Commission (New York,
N.Y.: New York University Press, 1977), 53.
16 Richard N. Cooper, Karl Kaiser, and Masataka Kosaka. Towards a
Renovated International System, A Report of the Trilateral Integrators
Task Force to The Trilateral Commission (New York, N.Y.: The Trilateral
Commission, 1977), inside back cover.
17 Jeremiah Novak, “Trilateralism: A New World System,” America (5
February 1977), 96.
18 William P. Hoar, “The New World Order,” American Opinion (April
19 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda for Peace--Preventive Diplomacy,
Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping” Report of the Secretary-General, 17 June
1992 (Online. Internet, 25 March 1997. Available from
20 George Bush, “The UN: World Parliament of Peace,” Address before the
United Nations General Assembly, New York City, October 1, 1990. US
Department of State Dispatch (8 October 1990), 152.
21 Cooper, Kaiser, and Kosaka, 32-33.
22 Richard N. Gardner, “The Hard Road to
World Order,” Foreign Affairs (April 1974), 558-559.
23 Ibid., 559-562.
24 Ibid., 576.
New World Order Implications
The intent of this paper was to derive some conclusions about the strategic
environment and prospects for the new millennium based on the interpretation
of George Bush’s New World Order - where the,
“rule of law governs the conduct of
nations,” and a “credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role
to fulfill the promise and vision of the UN’s founders.” 1
This author’s perspective of Bush’s New World
Order will be briefly recapped.
First, the Council on Foreign Relations
and other closely linked organizations have significantly shaped the
New World Order vision and strategy for achievement of that vision.
Second, those organizations have
demonstrated a significant influence on the foreign policy process
of the United States.
Third, the New World Order vision
consists of a transition of sovereignty from the state to the
international level; increased authority, security, and judicial
powers of the United Nations; a shift in focus from national to
“common” interests; collective vs. unilateral security actions;
enhanced social and economic interdependence through functionalism;
and some level of military disarmament of the nation states.
Fourth, United Nations credibility is
essential to the fulfillment of the New World Order vision and
contingent upon achievement of its envisioned
peacekeeping/international police role of applying collective force
against violators of the “rule of law.”
Fifth, the third attempt at New World
Order consists of a complex strategy involving the strengthening of
the UN, enhancing regionalism, and increasing interdependence
through piecemeal functionalism.
The implications of new world orderism,
taken independently, do not appear to be surprising revelations.
Taken as a whole and taken within the context of
the New World Order vision laid out over the past chapters, these
implications may raise some concern.
The first conclusion drawn from this analysis involves the structure of the
international system. One of the current hot topics of political discussion
is projecting the nature of the post-Cold War international system. The
simple bipolar structure no longer exists.
Many scholars present variations of what
Daniel S. Papp calls the three primary possibilities,
”a unipolar world based on American military
might, a regionalized world organized around three economic trading
blocs, and a multipolar world based on several measures of national and
international capabilities.” 2
The truth, though, is that the complexity of the
strategy for world order drives an international structure that does not
lend itself to simple models. Joseph Nye, a Trilateral Commission
author, provides the most descriptive world analogy in his model termed
In a 1992 Foreign Affairs article, he said:
“The distribution of power in world politics
has become like a layer cake. The top military layer is largely unipolar,
for there is no other military power comparable to the United States.
The economic middle layer is tripolar and has been for two decades. The
bottom layer of transnational interdependence shows a diffusion of
Note the reflection of trilateral regionalism
and piecemeal functionalism in this model.
He adds that:
“Power is becoming more multidimensional,
structures more complex and states themselves more permeable.” 4
State permeability implies the leakage or
transfer of national authority and sovereignty to some other medium. One
willing and active recipient is the United Nations.
United Nations Sovereignty
Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his 1992
Agenda for Peace first emphasized that respect for the state’s,
“fundamental sovereignty and integrity are
crucial to any common international progress.”
Then he refined his statement by declaring that,
“The time of absolute and exclusive
sovereignty, however, has passed; its theory was never matched by
reality. It is the task of States today to understand this…” 5
The attack on national sovereignty is real, but
subtle. The League of Nations failed in part because of its overt
grab at national sovereignty. The UN proponents are careful not to repeat
Joseph Nye predicts that,
“multinational infringement of sovereignty
will gradually increase without suddenly disrupting the distribution of
Foreign Affairs published an article in 1996 by
conservative Senator Jesse Helms which, not surprisingly, was
critical of the United Nations’ attempt to dissolve national sovereignty.
Senator Helms, who was severely blasted in the
letters to the editor of the following Foreign Affairs issue, said that,
“the United Nations is being transformed
from an institution of sovereign nations into a quasi-sovereign entity
in itself. That transformation represents an obvious threat to U.S.
He continues by noting that,
“the United Nations has moved from
facilitating diplomacy among nation-states to supplanting them
altogether. The international elites running the United Nations look at
the idea of the nation-state with disdain; they consider it a
discredited notion of the past that has been superseded by the idea of
the United Nations.
In their view, the interests of
nation-states are parochial and should give way to global interests.
Nation-states, they believe, should recognize the primacy of these
global interests and accede to the United Nations’ sovereignty to pursue
The subtle complexity by which the United
Nations is likely to enhance their sovereignty at the expense of the
sovereignty of the states is best described by a model presented by
Farida Aziz in his work, New World Order, the 21st Century.
He astutely concludes that,
“the world is now witnessing, in fact, an
attempt… to establish a ‘condominium model’ of a world order, in lieu of
a world government, in which the state sovereignty would be modified
from the ‘freehold’ title to the ‘leasehold’ title, and in which the
terms of the lease will conform to the ‘rules’ of the condominium. Those
‘rules’ will be established and enforced by a Board of Directors.… The
Board meetings will take place in the UN Security Council.” 8
This analogy nicely integrates the “rule of law”
concept and resolves the dichotomy of Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s statement
apparently supportive of fundamental state sovereignty yet against exclusive
state sovereignty. State sovereignty will be relegated to “leasehold”
activities under the “rule of law governing the conduct of nations.”
The landlord becomes the United Nations and the
lease enforcement mechanism is international “peacekeeping.”
With the decline of state sovereignty will come the increase in types and
frequency of United Nations peacekeeping actions. Recall that to be
“credible,” the UN must develop the capability to enforce international
Under the vision of its founders, this
collective security mechanism was to be a UN military force under Security
Council control. When those key elements did not materialize, the UN pursued
a role not originally foreseen - ”peacekeeping.”
Now that the United Nations is within sight of
fulfilling the vision of its founders, the “peacekeeping” concept must be
expanded to encompass world order enforcement. “Peacekeeping” is a
convenient phrase to spin-off of because of its non-threatening nature.
“peacekeeping” operations will comprise a
broader spectrum of military and non-military actions. Senator Helms has
already concluded that, “peacekeeping has evolved into a term without
meaning. It is used to justify all sorts of UN activities…” 9
Bruce Russett, former Director of the
Executive Office of the UN Secretary General, and James S. Sutterlin
present a comprehensive discussion of the UN collective security and
peacekeeping roles in their 1991 Foreign Affairs article, “The UN in a New
They also note the flexible application of the
“Since the Suez crisis of 1956, the United
Nations has developed a notable elasticity in using peacekeeping forces,
to the point that it is now difficult to formulate a precise definition
- or the limits - of… peacekeeping… This flexibility greatly
enhances the value of peacekeeping forces as an instrument available to
the Security Council in dealing with potential or existing conflicts.”
Their most revealing observation is that,
“nothing in the charter prohibits the
Security Council from deploying peacekeeping forces without consent of
all parties, or from including troop contingents from the permanent
members of the council in such forces where the need for deterrence
So the concept of Security Council decision
making autonomy is introduced. That autonomy is an integral aspect of UN
Many internationalists now advocate full execution of Article 43 of the UN
Charter whereby member nations make units of their armed forces available
for UN enforcement actions in accordance with special agreements between
themselves and the Security Council.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali reinforced the
concept when he declared:
“Stand-by arrangements should be
confirmed…between the Secretariat and Member States concerning the kind
and number of skilled personnel they will be prepared to offer the
United Nations as the needs of new operations arise.” 12
Richard Gardner more specifically
addresses the possibility of Security Council autonomy in his explanation of
the benefits of full implementation of Article 43:
“It would constitute a true UN military
force, with a UN commander responsible to direction by the Security
Council with the advice of the Military Staff Committee.…In addition,
under the UN Participation Act, once an Article 43 agreement between the
United States and the Security Council is concluded and approved by the
Senate, U.S. forces designated under the agreement can be sent into
hostilities without further action by Congress.” 13
The Senate is probably not ready to sign up to
that level of United States commitment to the UN in the near future, but a
move in that direction is possible.
The shift will likely come in the form of
apportioned rapid deployment forces fully trained in and available for UN
operations. This concept is widely advocated by likes of Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, Richard Gardner, Joseph Nye, and many others. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali envisions the capability for a 24-hour call-up contingency
force sourced from any of a number of nations.14
Gardner and Nye intuitively highlight the
necessity of common training and multinational exercises to develop an
effective UN command and control structure and operational procedures.15
The United States is likely to move in this
direction - enhancing UN peacekeeping related doctrine, training, and
exercises, while for the meantime, maintaining control over commitment of
Common vs. National Interests
The commitment of forces to UN peacekeeping missions will most likely
continue to increase, though.
The principle driver will be the shift of
emphasis of the American leadership from the protection of vital national
interests as commitment criteria to the protection of “common” world
interests. This is a reflection of the interdependence created by years of
The Washington Times presented an
interesting perspective on the relationship between the UN, New World Order,
and U.S. interests in an April 18, 1986 article:
“A report by the General Accounting Office
analyzed 90 UN media programs between 1983 and 1985 on apartheid,
disarmament, ‘New World Order’ and Palestine. Only one supported U.S.
Will the United States send American soldiers
across the globe to support UN actions that may not directly support United
States interests? We have and we will. George Bush clearly articulated his
position on this issue in his “Toward a New World Order” speech to Congress.
He emphatically stated:
“America and the world must defend common
vital interests. And we will.” 17
We have already seen a dilution of the meaning
and application of “national vital interests.”
The concept of “common vital interests” is even
more fluid, and can be used to justify United States involvement in almost
any contingency. Consequently, as the UN grows in strength, we will likely
experience increased United States military operations tempo supporting more
ambiguous missions. At the same time, military force structure will continue
to decline due to budget and New World Order pressures.
Again, nothing is particularly new about the “New World Order.” The issues
of armed force, sovereignty, and national interests have been the focus of
world order discussions and recommendations for decades.
The “founders of the UN,” though, just seem to
have a particularly peculiar vision that has survived through years of
evolution of the international system.
Former Council on Foreign Relations member and
influential Kennedy administration State Department Official, Walt
Whitman Rostow in his 1960 work, The United States in the World Arena,
“It is a legitimate American national
objective to see removed from all nations - including the United States
- the right to use substantial military force to pursue their own
interests. Since this residual right is the root of national
sovereignty, and the basis for existence of an international arena of
power, it is, therefore, an American interest to see an end to
nationhood as it has been historically defined.” 18
An odd interpretation of national interests,
The road to New World Order at the international level is somewhat
comparable to the path this country has taken over the past two hundred
years at the national level.
Our founding fathers perceived the states to be
the sovereign foundation of the United States of America, with the central
government only exercising control over those areas allowed by the states.
But, as time passed and the central government grew in power and size, the
states lost more and more of their sovereignty.
Each successive gain of authority at the central
level was justified on the basis of altruistic motives. But, one day the
country wakes up to discover that the altruistic piecemeal expansion has
resulted in a bloated bureaucracy that consumed countless valuable
resources, limited state freedoms, and created a debt structure that no
generation is likely to recover from.
What is to say that the same will not happen at the international level?
The nation states are espoused by the likes of
Boutros Boutros-Ghali as the sovereign foundation of the New World Order
just as our country’s states were the sovereign foundation of America. But
as with our federal government, achievement of the New World Order is
contingent upon shifting that sovereignty from the state to central level.
Again, the justification is righteous - peace
and prosperity for all mankind. What will be the end result, though? Bloated
bureaucracy, limited freedoms, and international debt?
Many internationalists argue that the only way to end wars is through the
creation of a New World Order based on world authority and collective
security. The trouble that comes with that New World Order will be
overshadowed by the benefit of peace and prosperity. The problem is that all
governmental entities are run by people.
And not all people have the purest of motives.
International “peacekeeping” may not always be used in an altruistic manner.
Hundreds of years ago, the Old Testament prophet, Daniel, prophesied that in
the end times,
“a king of fierce countenance… shall stand
up… and by peace shall destroy many.” 19
Current momentum favors implementation of the
internationalist world order model as advocated by
George Bush. Success, though, will be dependent upon the
dynamics of world politics.
There are too many factors and unknowns in the
world to declare New World Order victory, but continued progress in
that direction seems inevitable.
1 George Bush, “Operation Desert Storm
Launched,” Address to the Nation from the White House, 16 January 1991.
US Department of State Dispatch (21 January 1991), 38.
2 Daniel S. Papp, Contemporary International Relations (New York,
N.Y.: Macmillan College Publishing Company, 1994), 207.
3 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “What New World Order?” Foreign Affairs
(Spring 1992), 88.
5 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda for Peace--Preventive
Diplomacy, Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping” Report of the
Secretary-General, 17 June 1992 (Online.Internet, 25 March 1997.
Available from http://www.un.org/Docs/SG/agpeace.html), 3.
6 Nye, 93.
7 Jesse Helms, “Fixing the UN,”
Foreign Affairs (September/October 1996), 2-3.
8 Farida J. Aziz, New World Order, the
21st Century (Islamabad: Monza Corporation, 1992), 17.
9 Helms, 6.
10 Bruce Russett and James Sutterlin, “The UN in a New World Order,”
Foreign Affairs (Spring, 1991), 70.
11 Ibid., 71-72.
12 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “An Agenda for Peace,” 11.
13 Graham Allison, and Gregory F. Treverton, eds., Rethinking America’s
Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order (New York, N.Y.: W.W.
Norton & Company, Inc., 1992), 274-275.
14 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “Groping for a New World Order,” U.S. News &
World Report (28 September 1992), 52.
15 Nye, 93; Allison, 273.
16 Gary Allen, Say “No!” to the New World Order (Seal Beach, Calif:
Concord Press, 1987), 17.
17 George Bush, “Toward a New World Order,” Address before a joint
session of Congress, Washington, D.C., September 11, 1990. US Department
of State Dispatch (17 September 1990), 92.
18 Kent and Phoebe Courtney, Disarmament: A Blueprint for Surrender.
(La.: Pelican Printing Company, 1963), 50.
19 The Holy Bible, King James Version,
Scofield Reference, (New York, N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 1945),
In this author’s assessment, the Gulf War was a cornerstone event in the
fulfillment of the internationalist vision of world order. The UN sanctioned
collective multinational military retribution against an aggressor nation
that violated the territorial integrity of a nation state validated the
concept of world order and provided the catalyst for the culminating third
attempt at “New World Order.”
They key is not to view the Gulf War as a
specific model for future UN actions, but as a trigger event that jumped the
evolution of the international system from its derailed Cold War state back
on the tracks or road to New World Order.
Bush recognized the significance of this event
as evidenced by his statement to the UN General Assembly:
“And when the Soviet Union agreed with so
many of us here in the United Nations to condemn the aggression of Iraq,
there could be no doubt…that we had, indeed, put decades of history
behind us.” 1
There has been a lot of conjecture over the
reason for terminating the Gulf War ground offensive at 100 hours.
One candidate explanation has to be that at the
100-hour point all UN objectives had been met. The United States had not
achieved its own objective of destroying the Republican Guard, but as a
collective security force, the coalition had fulfilled all the requirements
of the UN resolution. That established the precedent for a “credible United
Nations” to use its “peacekeeping role” against international aggressors
under the “rule of law.”
The cornerstone had been laid for the final
fulfillment of the “promise and vision of the UN’s founders.”
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