(updated
16th August 2002)
1. W. possibly built oil company and interests through favoritism or trading off his father's name (esp. Bahrain's naming of Harken as the oil company for the country's off-shore interests).
2. Harken's posted of phony financial statements, claiming incoming assets for a subsidiary it bought from itself. (A mere $8-12 million, a low-rent version of what Enron did a decade later.)
3. W.'s trading of stock based on possible knowledge of potential stock devaluation i.e., insider trading (2 possibilities):
–a. Knowledge of secret State Dept. memo claiming Hussain was ready to attack neighbors.
–b. Knowledge of Harken's dire straits as one member of a three-member "Fairness" (auditing) committee.
4. W's Harken stock mysterious buyer.
5. W.'s late filing of stock sales to SEC and variation in story as to reasons.
6. W's request for and acceptance of loans from Harken.
7. W's possible tax evasion when Harken forgave the loans.
the possible reward to SEC investigator(s) by W. himself.
According, this first file breaks into these seven areas with hotlinks and clipping of the stories focusing on each issue. The second file provides the base of documents from which the first file was drawn in a manner that the reader might follow the progression of the story. Both files begin with BACKGROUND, citing Joe Conason's thorough and clear overview of the narrative of W.'s fortune. To Joe's credit, he brings up nearly all of the five issues (and sub-issues) listed above. Pizzo's article is also a good background piece.
–Charges/Questions by House Judiciary Democrats (a remarkably thorough pdf file):
http://www.house.gov/judiciary_democrats/bushcorpltrattach72402.pdf
--Joe Conason's "Notes on a Native Son," Harper's Magazine, Feb. 2000. (A thorough, given article parameters, overview of George W. Bush's fortune. Harken is covered primarily on pp. 4-6 of item. Due to this article, Conason has been frequently quoted on Bush's corporate dealings):
http://www.findarticles.com/cf_0/m1111/1797_300/59086099/p1/article.html
–An extraordinarily useable summary by the Center for Cooperative Research:
http://www.cooperativeresearch.org/index-old1.htm
(Click on "George Bush and Harken Energy" in right frame.)
–Stephen Pizzo, "Bush Family Values," Mother Jones, Sept.-Oct. 1992 (another good example of early reporting on Bush's fortunes):
http://www.motherjones.com/news_wire/bushboys.html
And Pizzo remains on the case, to our benefit, providing a handy, if sketchy, timeline and more background in this July 10, 2002, piece for CorpWatch:
http://www.corpwatch.org/issues/PID.jsp?articleid=2988
Will Pitt's December 18, 2001 DU article, "King Midas in Reverse," also summarizes the major issues well and is a good read:
http://www.democraticunderground.com/articles/01/12/18_midas.html
Deep background, Harken before Bush (the players are very interesting!):
http://www.thedailyenron.com/documents/20020723101112-28603.asp
Another good site with summaries of the issues:
http://www.realchange.org/bushjr.htm#harken
HarkenGate for Dummies (but misses a number of the issues listed below):
http://www1.caller.com/ccct/politics/article/0,1641,CCCT_813_1271515,00.html
1.THE POSSIBILITY THAT W.
BUILT OIL INTERESTS BY TRADING OFF HIS FATHER'S NAME AT THE LEAST, FAVORITISM AT
THE MOST:
Read Conason and Pizzi in Background.
This Village Voice piece nails down most of the impt.
particulars and lists the major players in this favoritism run amok (taking a
middle- management mentality on a roller-coaster ride from the an MBA with
nothing to do into the multi-million range):
http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0228/ridgeway.php
Kevin Sack's "George Bush the Son Finds That Oil and Blood Do
Mix," NY Times, May 8, 1999 (another excellent background piece concerning W.'s
acquisition of a fortune, but Sack's clearly draws the personal and familial
connections):
http://www.csus.edu/indiv/f/friedman/spring02/govt1/schedule/j/j1/bush.html
William Walker, for the Ontario Star, July 21, 2002, makes
the financing of W.'s first company, Arbusto, an interesting read (and also
spells out W.'s drinking problem):
_pagepath=News%2FWorld&col=968350060724
(you'll have to paste the address together to make work, but
it's worth it as the following shows):
<snip>
Other friends of the Bushes soon lined up. From 1979 to 1983,
about 50 investors plowed $4.7 million into Arbusto.
George L. Ball, CEO of Prudential Bache Securities, a stock
market giant, invested $100,000. Lewis Lehrman, a New York millionaire and
Republican supporter, put up $47,500. Fitzgerald Bemiss, a childhood friend of
Bush's father, invested $80,000. George Ohrstrom, who went to private school
with Bush's father in Connecticut, anted up $100,000. Philip Uzielli, a close
friend of James Baker III, the senior Bush's political fixer and cabinet member,
chipped in $50,000.
. . .
Two years before, Arbusto had hit the skids, returning just
$1.5 million to investors on their $4.7 million stake.
But Bush fared much better personally, making $362,000 on his
investment of only $102,000 (which he had borrowed from a bank).
Hoping to raise more cash, he changed the company's name from
Arbusto to Bush Exploration. It didn't help.
He was finally bailed out by an old Yale classmate, William
DeWitt Jr., an oilman who owned Spectrum 7 Energy Corp.
By now, Bush's father was vice-president to Ronald Reagan.
Later, in 1988, the wealthy Dewitt would become one of the biggest donors to
Bush Sr.'s presidential campaign.
DeWitt bought Bush Exploration outright. Bush was named
Spectrum 7's CEO, at $75,000 a year, and received 1.1 million shares in the
company's stock, a practice many in Congress now want outlawed.
As world oil prices fell, Spectrum 7, with Bush at the helm,
became a money loser.
By 1986, another bailout was needed. Enter Harken Energy, a
mid-sized Texas oil company that gave Bush and his fellow Spectrum 7 owners $2
million worth of Harken stock for the debt-ridden company.
Bush's take was about $500,000 worth of stock. He was also
named a company director and received $120,000 in consulting fees, even though
he was off working on his father's presidential campaign through most of 1987
and 1988.
"His name was George Bush. That was worth the money they paid
to him," said Harken founder Phil Kendrick, as reported by Charles Lewis of the
Centre for Public Integrity, in his book, The Buying Of The President 2000.
One month after Bush came aboard, the company obtained a $20
million investment from Harvard Management Company Inc., which manages Harvard
University's multi-billion dollar endowment.
. . .
Enter Tom Hicks, the chairman of Hicks, Muse, Tate and Furst
Inc., a Texas company specializing in leveraged buyouts. Later, Hicks would
become Bush's fourth-largest political donor, giving the future president more
than $290,000.
Hicks bought the Rangers for $250 million, including the
stadium and landaround it. It was almost three times what Bush and his partners
paid.
Bush was by now in the governor's seat and already being
touted as a future president. With 1.8 per cent of the team, he should have been
due about $2.3 million from the sale. But the other owners, impressed by his
shrewdness in the stadium deal, boosted his take to $14.9 million.
<snip>
I've quoted extensively, but there is much more . . . esp on
Bahrain connection and much on how the Rangers stuck the town of Arlington for
$146 million (!). A good article on favoritism shown W. from the late 70s
on.
Tom Flocco, World Net Daily, laid it out clearly:
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/printer-friendly.asp?ARTICLE_ID=16298
<snip>
In October 1991, Time Magazine questioned why the tiny
country of Bahrain would stake so much of its financial future on Harken Energy,
which it labeled an "obscure, money-losing company with no refineries and no
experience in offshore oil exploration." But the magazine also noted that
oil-insiders speculated that Bahrain's rulers saw the arrangement as a way to
gain influence with the Bush administration.
Mysteriously, primary reporters have also ignored what could
point to a nexus regarding foreign policy and personal financial interests.
Interestingly, the Village Voice in January 1991 reported that in 1990 the Bush
administration signed an agreement with Bahrain that chose the small country as
the permanent principal allied base in the Middle East, although it was some 200
miles away from the hostilities in Iraq and Kuwait.
The military-base deal came after Harken announced its Jan.
30, 1990, joint oil-drilling venture with Bahrain. So President Bush's key
contributors and his son George W. were carrying on personal financial business
with Bahrain at the same time decisions were being made regarding the
possibility of a war in the Gulf.
And neither the president nor his adviser, George Jr., let
the press know that Bahrain had been permitted to infuse $7.7 million in foreign
cash to hire U.S. public relations firm Hill & Knowlton to lobby Congress
and the American people; a stunning variety of opinion-forming devices and
techniques were employed to inflame U.S. patriotic passions of war while
personal financial interests were on the line.
<snip>
Most recent story on the Bahrain factor, July 20, 2002,
AP:
http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/story.hts/business/1502370
<snip>
Five days after former President Bush was inaugurated in
1989, an official from Bahrain set in motion a chain of events that allowed the
Texas oil company where the president's son was a director to beat out Amoco for
drilling rights with huge profit potential.
. . .
Despite Harken's continuing financial losses in 1990, minutes
of a Harken board meeting attended by Bush show that the company's investment
banker, Chad Weiss of the firm Smith Barney, said the Middle East drilling
venture would keep the company's stock price up.
"The potential of the Bahrain prospect will be the primary
driving force initially for the company's stock," according to the minutes of a
May 1990 meeting. "With the prospect of Bahrain in the picture," the investment
banker "did not see much downside for the price of the stock."
<snip>
Aside: Of course W. told us that he was opposed to the
Bahrain deal, right? Why then do the records, recently obtained thru a FOIA by
The Center for Public Integrity, show otherwise?
http://www.public-i.org/dtaweb/report.asp?ReportID=456&L1=10&L2=10&L3=0&L4=0&L5=0
<snip>
The minutes of the Dec. 6, 1989 board meeting, however, show
that after a presentation from Monte Swetnam, president of the reviewed and
discussed the background of the Bahrain transaction with the Board including the
discussions and negotiations conducted in Bahrain on his several trips there.
Mr. Swetnam further discussed with the Board the potential benefits which the
Company could realize from this opportunity. The Board discussed and reviewed
the matters raised by Mr. Swetnam concerning this foreign opportunity and after
which discussion, the Board unanimously approved HEX's proceeding towards
finalization of a formal agreement with the State of Bahrain…"
George W. Bush, then a director of Harken, attended the
meeting. There is no indication that he did not vote to approve the Bahrain
deal.
<snip>
David Corn of The Nation details the real reason Harken
bought Spectrum 7: political influence:
http://www.thenation.com//capitalgames/index.mhtml?bid=3&pid=82
<snip>
In 1986, Bush's own oil firm, Spectrum 7, was collapsing.
Before it went belly-up, Harken purchased Spectrum for $2.25 million worth of
Harken stock and made Bush a Harken director and consultant. That is, Harken
saved Bush from ruin.
. . .
Later, when I saw the billionaire (George Soros) almost
alone, I sidled up to him. "Nice offices," I said. "But can I ask you about some
ancient history?" Sure, he said, with a good-natured smile. What was the deal
with Harken buying up Spectrum 7? I inquired. Did Soros know Bush back then?
"I didn't know him," Soros replied. "He was supposed to bring
in the Gulf connection. But it didn't come to anything. We were buying political
influence. That was it. He was not much of a businessman."
<snip>
But a spokesman for Soros is trying to back off the
story:
(You'll have to paste the address back together to use.)
And it's even possible that some bin Laden money went to
Bush's launching pad in the oil business (Arbusto) as the wealthy Saudi family
sought to maintain favor with the Republican administration as Wayne Madsen
reports in In These Times:
http://www.inthesetimes.com/issue/25/25/feature3.shtml
<snip>
In 1979, Bush's first business, Arbusto Energy, obtained
financing from James Bath, a
Houstonian and close family friend. One of many investors,
Bath gave Bush $50,000 for a
5 percent stake in Arbusto. At the time, Bath was the sole
U.S. business representative
for Salem bin Laden, head of the wealthy Saudi Arabian family
and a brother (one of 17)
to Osama bin Laden. It has long been suspected, but never
proven, that the Arbusto
money came directly from Salem bin Laden. In a statement
issued shortly after the
September 11 attacks, the White House vehemently denied the
connection, insisting
that Bath invested his own money, not Salem bin Laden's, in
Arbusto.
In conflicting statements, Bush at first denied ever knowing
Bath, then acknowledged
his stake in Arbusto and that he was aware Bath represented
Saudi interests. In fact,
Bath has extensive ties, both to the bin Laden family and
major players in the
scandal-ridden Bank of Commerce and Credit International
(BCCI) who have gone on to
fund Osama bin Laden. BCCI defrauded depositors of $10
billion in the '80s in what has
been called the "largest bank fraud in world financial
history" by former Manhattan
District Attorney Robert Morgenthau. During the '80s, BCCI
also acted as a main conduit
for laundering money intended for clandestine CIA activities,
ranging from financial
support to the Afghan mujahedin to paying intermediaries in
the Iran-Contra affair.
<snip>
And check out (potentially explosive if it checks out):
http://sf.indymedia.org/news/2002/07/136245.php
<snip>
The Harken deal with Bahrain raises another troubling
question: Did the Bahrainis and the BCCI-linked Saudi oil sheikhs. use the
production sharing agreement with Harken to curry favor with the Bush
administration and influence U.S.. policy in the Middle East? Talat Othman's
sudden rise to prominence in Bush administration foreign policy circles is a.
case in point. Othman, who sits on the Harken board as Sheikh Bakhsh's
representative, didn't have access to. President Bush before Harken's Bahrain
agreement. "But since August 1990, the Palestinian-born Chicago investor has.
attended three White House meetings with President Bush to discuss Middle East
policy," the Wall Street Journal. pointed out. "His name was added by the White
House to a select list of 15 Arab-Americans chosen to meet with. President Bush,
Sununu and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft in the White House two days
after Iraq's. August 1990 invasion of Kuwait."
<snip>
More:
http://www.indybay.org/news/2002/07/136245_comment.php
Asking what Bush is hiding, Frank Rich (in his NY Times
column, July 20, 2002) speculates:
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/20/opinion/20FRIC.html
<snip>
Most likely it (what Bush is hiding) involves the mystery
first raised by The Wall Street Journal and Time in 1991. Back then, their
investigative journalists tried to break the cronyism code by
which tiny Harken beat out the giant Amoco for a prized contract for drilling in
Bahrain. They also tried to learn what various Saudi money men, some tied to the
terrorist-sponsoring Bank of Credit and Commerce International, may have had to
do with Harken while the then-president's son was in proximity
<snip>
But the Basses are probably behind this and may well be
behind much else concerning W.'s fortune as well. Perhaps the "Lee" mentioned on
the stock broker's memo refers to Lee Bass, making Bass the angel for Bush when
he wanted to sell stock to pay for his shares in the Rangers. Bass might have
provided the grease here AND with Bahrain.
The bin Laden connection with Bush:
http://www.inthesetimes.com/issue/25/25/feature3.shtml
and
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/INL110A.html
Here's one of the fullest articles showing the BCCI and Osama
bin Laden connection as well as the connection to the rest of the family, other
illegal money schemes, &c. Rick Wiles, in this item titled" Bush Family's
Dirty Little Secret: President's Oil Companies Funded Bin Laden Family and
Wealthy Saudis Who Financed Osama bin Laden," sounds a bit like a tinhatter, but
his facts on straight:
http://www.americanfreedomnews.com/afn_articles/bushsecrets.htm
Speculation is surfacing on why Harvard bailed out
Harken:
http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2002/07/18/1026898888500.html
(You'll have to paste 2nd address back together to go to
source.)
<snip>
Harken, which is engaged in oil and gas exploration,
development, and production in Texas and the Gulf of Mexico, as well as in
Colombia, Peru, Panama, and Costa Rica, soldiered on after Bush left. CEO Mikel
Faulkner and COO Bruce Huff, CPAs who have been with the Harken since 1980 and
1990 respectively, pursued a variety of deals to jump-start its operations. But
without much luck. The company's Latin American operations in particular were a
drag, and Harken lost some $263 million over the past five years. And in a
complex series of transactions, Harken recently moved its South American
operations into a British company called Global PLC, of which Harken owns 92%.
"It was always suspected that something was fishy, but not because of the Bush
connection," says Gheit of Fahnestock. "That for a small company like Harken to
be involved in foreign drilling operations getting concessions from foreign
governments, things just didn't add up. A lot of people had suspected that this
was a CIA front." That particular point, of course, is just a rumor.
<snip>
Speculation on a Harken-CIA connection:
http://www.fortune.com/indexw.jhtml?channel=artcol.jhtml&doc_id=208814
<snip>
(Unclearly sourced.) "Two Harvard University officials who
manage the investment of Harvard's endowment have themselves owned stock in one
of the companies in the university's portfolio, raising questions of conflict of
interest. Michael R. Eisenson and Donald D. Beane, partners in the Harvard
Management Company, each owned shares of common stock in Harken Energy Corp.,
worth about $26,250 each, the Harvard Crimson reported. Harvard owns about $28
million of stock in Harken, a Texas oil and gas concern ... "
<snip>
Curiouser and curiouser . . .
Harken's connection to BCCI, in an archived Wall Street
Journal report:
http://www.random-abstract.com/archives/00000292.html
Jerry Politex has focused on the webwork of contacts
surrounding Harken:
http://www.bushwatch.net/bushwater.htm
Paul Krugman's July 7 column spells it out:
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/07/opinion/07KRUG.html
<snip>
That's exactly what happened at Harken. A group of insiders,
using money borrowed from Harken itself, paid an exorbitant price for a Harken
subsidiary, Aloha Petroleum. That created a $10 million phantom profit, which
hid three-quarters of the company's losses in 1989. White House aides have
played down the significance of this maneuver, saying $10 million isn't much,
compared with recent scandals. Indeed, it's a small fraction of the apparent
profits Halliburton created through a sudden change in accounting procedures
during Dick Cheney's tenure as chief . But for Harken's stock price — and hence
for Mr. Bush's personal wealth — this accounting trickery made all the
difference.
Oh, and Harken's fake profits were several dozen times as
large as the Whitewater land deal — though only about one-seventh the cost of
the Whitewater investigation.
Mr. Bush was on the company's audit committee, as well as on
a special restructuring committee; back in 1994, another member of both
committees, E. Stuart Watson, assured reporters that he and Mr. Bush were
constantly made aware of the company's finances. If Mr. Bush didn't know about
the Aloha maneuver, he was a very negligent director.
<snip>
Krugman re wrote for Guardian:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/bush/story/0,7369,751821,00.html
<snip>
The ploy works as follows: corporate insiders create a front
organisation that seems independent but is really under their control. This
front buys some of the firm's assets at unrealistically high prices, creating a
phantom profit that inflates the stock price, allowing the executives to cash in
their stock.
A group of insiders, using money borrowed from Harken itself,
paid an exorbitant price for a Harken subsidiary, Aloha Petroleum. That created
a $10m phantom profit, which hid three-quarters of the company's losses in 1989.
White House aides have played down the significance of this manoeuvre, saying
$10m isn't much, compared with recent scandals. Indeed, it's a small frac tion
of the apparent profits Halliburton created through a sudden change in
accounting procedures during Dick Cheney's tenure as chief executive. But for
Harken's stock price - and hence for Mr Bush's personal wealth - this accounting
trickery made all the difference.
Mr Bush was on the company's audit committee, as well as on a
special restructuring committee; back in 1994, another member of both
committees, Stuart Watson, assured reporters that he and Mr Bush were constantly
made aware of the company's finances. If Mr Bush didn't know about the Aloha
manoeuvre, he was a very negligent director.
<snip>
An unattributed editorial in the St. Louis Post Dispach July
7, 2002, puts it succinctly:
http://home.post-dispatch.com/channel\pdweb.nsf/TodaySunday/
86256A0E0068FE5086256BEF002DD29E?OpenDocument&PubWrapper=Editorial
(You'll have to bind http address together to go
directly.)
<snip>
...Harken sold a subsidiary to a group of its own insiders.
It lent those insiders much of the money to make the purchase. Then Harken
claimed a profit from the sale. It was almost as if the company were claiming
profits for selling something to itself. Shades of Enron, Qwest and Dynegy,
among others. The SEC cried foul. It forced the company to restate its earnings
to show a much larger loss.
Did Mr. Bush approve of such accounting sleight of hand?
After all, he was on Harken's audit committee. Or was he snoozing while
management had fun with figures?
<snip>
Mike Allen for the Washington Post, July 21, 2002, musters
the data (esp. that released under a FIOA request by the Center for Public
Integrity, see below) to suggest that it is more than likely
that W. knew that Harken's stock was going to plunge due to the bad financial
news that had clearly crossed his desk. (A good story, designed to pressure W.
to release all the documents in the case that the SEC is holding):
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A38246-2002Jul20.html
<snip>
The documents show that four months before Bush sold most of
his stake in Harken Energy Corp., he and other board members received a letter
from management calling the previous year's profits disappointing and warning
that the company would "continue to be severely limited in our activities due to
cash constraints." The letter said that "as indicated at the December board
meeting," the failue of a deal involving a subsidiary had "left the company with
little cash flexibility."
. . .
The 150 pages of minutes and of the board documents released
Friday tie Bush to the company's sale of Aloha Petroleum Ltd., which was
recorded in such a way that Harken masked massive losses. . . .
<snip>
much more. . .
A Jan. 9, 1991 letter from Bruce N. Huff, senior vice
president of Harken Energy, to Edmund Coulson, chief accountant of the SEC in a
obtained by the Center for Public Integrity. A pdf file. As the Center writes,
"Huff describes in detail Harken's position on the Aloha sale, and how it was
restructured. Huff notes that in April 1990, `The immediate focus of the Company
was at that time redirected to raising cash.' He also notes, `By June, 1990, the
Company was constrained by its worsening cash and credit situation.'" (Remember
when Bush sold? June 1990.):
http://www.public-i.org/dtaweb/downloads/harken_010991.pdf
A recent Boston Globe Editorial by Bill Black and James
Galbraith, both at UT Austin, claims Harken engaged in deliberate fraud:
http://www.boston.com/dailyglobe2/204/oped/Bush_s_role_in_corporate_fraud+.shtml
<snip>
Bush claims to see nothing wrong about Harken's frauds.
However, the goal was to hide real losses and to book fictional income. The
people who made the decision and. the board of directors stood to gain directly
from the fraud, and Bush did benefit -enormously.
Bush is also wrong on the accounting. This was a deliberately
complicated transaction for the same reason that Enron's and Lincoln Savings's
partnerships were complicated. Complexity makes it hard for regulators to
discern fraud. While the transaction was complicated, the underlying fraud is so
well known that the accounting rules governing such transactions are not vague.
There was no ''honest dispute'' about accounting rules. There was a deliberate
fraud structured in a complicated manner in order to claim that it wasn't really
deliberate.
<snip>
Public Integrity went thru the documents obtained under FOIA
and found that Bush probably had knowledge of the scam:
http://www.publicintegrity.org/dtaweb/report.asp?ReportID=450&L1=10&L2=10&L3=0&L4=0&L5=0
(You'll have to paste address back together to get to
story)
<snip>
. . . Bush chaired a special committee of board members set
up to review the terms of a $12 million note held by Intercontinental Mining and
Resources Ltd., which was set up by Harken insiders to purchase Aloha, according
to an internal Harken document dated March 14, 1990 that was obtained by the
Center for Public Integrity.
. . .
The documents the Center has obtained do not unambiguously
resolve the question of what Bush knew about the sale of the Aloha
subsidiary.
The March 14, 1990 Shareholders Notes and the March 14, 1990
minutes from the Board of Directors meeting suggest that Bush was aware of some
of the details of the Aloha transaction; the decision to renegotiate the terms
of the deal with Advanced Petroleum Marketing was unanimously approved by the
board.
<snip>
The Public Inquiry provides the documents.
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2002/07/08/MN139428.DTL
<snip>
Democrats hope to draw attention to a controversial deal by
Harken to sell one of its subsidiaries, Aloha Petroleum, to a group of Harken
insiders. The SEC later found that deal might have disguised at least $8 million
in losses by Harken and asked the company to restate its 1989 earnings. Bush was
on the audit committee of Harken's board at the time.
<snip>
Another quick account, recounting the history of the story
and the maneuverings by Bush and others to impede public knowledge of what
exactly happened:
http://www.campaignwatch.org/more1.htm#update
(2
possibilities):
The chart posted at CitizensLaw.net: (highly useful):
http://www.citizenslaw.net/_cases/MachsCat/BushFamily/GWBush_insider_trading_harken.htm
http://www.citizenslaw.net/_cases/MachsCat/BushFamily/imageRTT.JPG
–a. BUSH'S
KNOWLEDGE OF A SECRET STATE DEPARTMENT MEMO CLAIMING HUSSAIN WAS OUT OF CONTROL
AND READY TO ATTACK KUWAIT
Pizzo lays out the case:
http://www.motherjones.com/news_wire/bushboys.html
<snip>
In May 1990, the U.S. State Department sent a chilling but
still classified report to Scowcroft. The report warned that Iraqi president
Saddam Hussein was out of control and was threatening his neighbors:
May 16, 1990
SECRET
Attached is a paper containing a list of options for
responding to recent actions and statements by the Government of Iraq. ...We ask
that you pass this paper to Robert Gates for his review.
Under "options" the memo suggested: Ban Oil Purchases: The
largest benefit Iraq receives from the US is through our oil purchases...
PRO -- A total ban on oil purchases would have some
short-term impact.
CON -- Such action might also have an impact on US Oil
prices.
Oil companies had learned, during the years of the long
Iran-Iraq war, that trouble in the gulf hurts companies with oil interests
because, for one thing, at the first sound of a rifle shot in the gulf region,
Lloyds of London jacks up insurance rates on oil tankers and company
installations. The "wartime" rates are very high and cut deeply into company
profits and investor confidence. If things really get out of hand, pipelines are
destroyed and waterways are mined.
The secret memo augured ill for Harken's fledgling
venture.
<snip>
(Memo is May, Bush sells in June!)
House Democrats mention this as a possibility as well:
http://www.house.gov/judiciary_democrats/bushcorpltrattach72402.pdf
<snip>
. . . there are concerns that, as son of the President of the
United States at a time when the White House, but no the general public, was
well aware of the aggressive intentions of Saddam Hussein in thelead up to the
Persian Gulf conflict, you may have been privy to this information. It was also
well known that such a conflict would cause substantial disruptions in the oil
industry.
<snip>
–b. KNOWLEDGE
OF HARKEN'S POOR FINANCIAL SITUATION AS A MEMBER OF A THREE-MEMBER "FAIRNESS"
(read: AUDIT) COMMITTEE :
The House Democrats on the Judiciary Committee are also
extraordinarily thorough in their July 25, 2002 summary of allegations with fine
time lines. This pdf file (the second, the first is the cover letter) especially
concerns when Bush was informed about company matters and regulations, when he
signed the lock-down agreement which is in direct variance with his claim that
he had always intended to sell the stock, and how much a role he was said to
have in company affairs (i.e., how knowledgeable was he?). Includes W.'s attempt
to coverup insider trading violations and allegations of W. making "false
statements under oath"! A great file:
http://www.house.gov/judiciary_democrats/bushcorpltr72402.pdf
http://www.house.gov/judiciary_democrats/bushcorpltrattach72402.pdf
Read Conason and Pizzi in Background.
Center for Public Inquiry has received a letter indicating
Bush met with President of Harken, Mikel Faulkner, 15 days prior to his stock
sale and was deeply involved in the company's "inner workings":
http://www.publicintegrity.org/dtaweb/report.asp?ReportID=453&L1=10&L2=10&L3=0&L4=0&L5=0
(then click on 1st letter, a pdf file):
<snip>
I enjoyed the opportunity to visit briefly with you yesterday
and to discuss several organizations and strategic matters. Your advise in these
situations is beneficail to me. Upon reflection of our conversation, I realize
the value of your perspective in these matters and in particual, the tremendous
value associated with my being able to "council" with you from time-to-time on
just such matters. I would like to schedule an hour or two sometime in the next
several weeks to sit down and get your thought on several related matters.
<snip>
The Reuter's story based on the above:
http://reuters.com/news_article.jhtml?type=topnews&StoryID=1253955&fromEmail=true
What didn't Bush know and when didn't he know it????
Well, the 4th letter in the above batch (another pdf file),
is a confidential internal memo Bush may have seen (read: probably did) in late
May of 1990 and it is evidence that Harken knew profound financial problems
would plague its business for the remainder of the year.
And another letter (April 20, 1990 from the president of
Harken to his board) shaken loose via a FOIA request by the Center for Public
Integrity which, as the Center states: that new conditions on a loan Harken
sought "greatly intensifies our current liquidity problem and mandates the
infusion of equity into the company."
http://www.public-i.org/dtaweb/downloads/harken_memo_president_042090.pdf
Last week's explosive news! That Bush had signed a letter not
to sell his stock for 180 days some 75 days prior to selling! Pete Yost's AP
story, July 16, 2002:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uslatest/story/0,1282,-1881786,00.html
or
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A9416-2002Jul15.html
<snip>
WASHINGTON (AP) - Two and a half months before George W. Bush
sold his stock in a struggling Texas energy company where he was a director, he
signed a letter promising to hold onto the shares for at least six months,
internal company documents show.
2. HARKEN'S POSTING OF PHONY
FINANCIAL STATEMENTS CLAIMING ASSETS WITHOUT NOTING DEBITS AND BUSH'S KNOWLEDGE
OF THE FRAUDULENT ACCOUNTING.
3. BUSH'S SELLING OF HARKEN
STOCK BASED ON POSSIBLE KNOWLEDGE OF POTENTIAL STOCK DEVALUATION, I.E, INSIDER
TRADING