IN THE NAME OF GOD
As one looks at a map showing the nation-states of the first half of the second millennium b.c.e. (Fig. 50), it becomes clear that the non-Mardukite states formed a formidable vise around Greater Babylon, starting with Elam and Gutium on the southeast and east; Assyria and Hatti in the north; and as a western anchor in the chain, Mari on the mid-Euphrates.
Of them, Mari was the most “Sumerian,” even having served once as Sumer’s capital, the tenth as that function rotated among Sumer’s major cities.
An ancient port city on the Euphrates River, it was a major crossing point for people, goods, and culture between Mesopotamia in the east, the Mediterranean lands in the west, and Anatolia in the northwest. Its monuments bore the finest examples of Sumerian writing, and its huge central palace was decorated with murals, astounding in their artistry, honoring Ishtar (Fig. 51).
chapter on Mari and my visit to its ruins can be read in
After at first attaining the restoration of southern Mesopotamia by the Mari royals, Babylon’s kings—feigning peace and unprovoked—treated Mari as an enemy.
In 1760 b.c.e. the Babylonian king Hammurabi attacked, sacked, and destroyed
Mari, its temples and its palaces. It was done, Hammurabi boasted in
his annals, “through the mighty power of Marduk.”
When archaeologists excavated Babylon, they found not only
the city’s remains but also “architectural tablets” describing and
mapping out the city; though many of the structures are remains from
later times, this artist’s conception of the sacred precinct’s
center (Fig. 52) gives a good idea of Marduk’s magnificent
Special priests, like the Mushshipu and Mulillu, performed ritual purification services, except that it required a Mushlahhu to handle snake infestations.
The Umannu, Master Craftsmen, worked in workshops where artful religious objects were fashioned; the Zabbu were a group of female priestesses, chefs, and cooks who prepared the meals.
Other priestesses acted as professional bewailers in
funerals; the Bakate knew how to shed bitter tears. And then there
were the Shangu—simply “the priests”—who oversaw the overall
functioning of the temple, the smooth performance of its rituals,
and the receiving and handling of the offerings, or who were
responsible for the gods’ clothes; and so on and on.
Then there were altogether other priests
and priestesses, including the Sacred Choir—the Naru who sang, the
Lallaru who were singers and musicians, and the Munabu whose
specialty was lamentations. In each group there was the Rabu—the
Chief, the one in charge.
the top priestly hierarchy—included the Ashippu, Omen specialists,
the Mahhu “who could read the signs,” and the Baru—
“Truth-tellers”—who “understood mysteries and divine signs.” A
special priest, the Zaqiqu, was charged with conveying the divine
words to the king. Then at the head of those astronomer-astrologer
priests was the Urigallu, the Great Priest, who was a holy man, a
magician, and a physician, whose white vestments were elaborately
color-trimmed at the hems.
In time the celestial
observations degraded to astrological omens for king and
country—predicting war, tranquility, overthrows, long life or death,
abundance or pestilences, divine blessings or godly wrath. But in
the beginning the celestial observations were purely astronomical
and were of prime interest to the god— Marduk—and only derivatively
to king and people.
The fact that
significant events prior to the nuclear blast happened in
seventy-two-year intervals, and continued to do so afterward (see
above and earlier chapters), suggests that the zodiacal clock, in
which it took seventy-two years for a Precessional shift of one
degree, continued to be observed and adhered to.
It was in
the latter that the zodiacal constellations were located, and it was
there that “Earth met Heaven”—at the horizon.
each one had its “national god.”
Their national gods were called Ra-Amon and Bel/Marduk, Ashur and Teshub, and it was in the name of those gods that constant, prolonged, and cruel wars were fought.
The wars, historians may explain, were caused by the usual reasons for war:
But the royal annals that detailed the wars and military expeditions presented them as religious wars in which one’s god was glorified and the opposite deity humiliated.
However, the looming expectations of the
Return turned those wars to territorial campaigns that had specific
sites as their targets.
Egyptian king wrote in his war records that it was “Ra who loves me, Amon who favors me,” who instructed him to march “against these
enemies whom Ra abominates.” An Assyrian king, recording the defeat
of an enemy king, boasted that he replaced in the city’s temple the
images of the city’s gods “with the images of my gods, and declared
them to be henceforth the gods of the country.”
Speaking in Hebrew so that all on the city’s walls could understand, he shouted to them the words of the king of Assyria:
What were those religious wars about?
The wars, and the national gods in whose name they were fought, don’t make sense except when one realizes that at the core of the conflicts was what the Sumerian had called DUR.AN.KI—the “Bond Heaven-Earth.”
Repeatedly, the ancient texts spoke of the catastrophe “when Earth was separated from Heaven”— when the spaceport connecting them was destroyed. The overwhelming question in the aftermath of the nuclear calamity was this:
For the gods, the destruction of the spaceport in the Sinai
peninsula was a material loss of a facility that required
replacement. But can one imagine the impact—the spiritual and
religious impact—on Mankind? All of a sudden, the worshipped gods of
Heaven and Earth were cut off from Heaven...
With the destruction of the spaceport, did those
other sites still have a useful celestial function—and thus also a
In The Stairway to Heaven I offered proof that those markings were a modern forgery, and in that book and others voluminous textual and pictorial evidence was provided to explain how and why the Anunnaki designed and built those pyramids. Having been stripped of its radiating guidance equipment during the wars of the gods, the Great Pyramid and its companions continued to serve as physical beacons for the Landing Corridor.
With the spaceport gone, they just remained silent
witnesses to a vanished Past; there has been no indication that they
ever became sacred religious objects.
So, with and then without the spaceport, the Landing Place
continued to be operative.
Built with perfectly shaped massive stone blocks weighing 600 to 900 tons each, its western wall was especially fortified with the heaviest stone blocks on Earth, including three that weigh an incredible 1,100 tons each and are known as the Trilithon (Fig. 56).
The amazing fact about those colossal stone blocks is that they were quarried about two miles away in the valley, where one such block, whose quarrying was not completed, still sticks out from the ground (Fig. 57).
The Greeks venerated the place since Alexander’s time as Heliopolis (City of the Sun god); the Romans built there the greatest temple to Zeus.
The Byzantines converted it to a great church; the Moslems after them built there a mosque; and present-day Maronite Christians revere the place as a relic from the Time of the Giants. (A visit to the place and its ruins, and how it functioned as a launch tower, are described in The Earth Chronicles Expeditions.)
Most sacred and hallowed to this day has been the site that served as Mission Control Center—Ur-Shalem (“City of the Comprehensive God”), Jerusalem.
There, too, as in Baalbek but on a reduced scale, a large stone platform rests on a rock and cut-stones foundation, including a massive western wall with three colossal stone blocks that weigh about six hundred tons each (Fig. 58).
It was upon that preexisting platform that the Temple to Yahweh was built by King Solomon, its Holy of Holies with the Ark of the Covenant resting upon a sacred rock above a subterranean chamber. The Romans, who built the greatest temple ever to Jupiter in Baalbek, also planned to build one to Jupiter in Jerusalem instead of the one to Yahweh.
The Temple Mount is nowadays dominated by the Moslem-built Dome of
the Rock (Fig. 59); its gilded dome originally surmounted the Moslem
shrine at Baalbek—evidence that the link between the two
space-related sites has seldom been missed.
The ancient search for an answer, it seems, has continued to our
very own time.
Their pantheon was the Sumerian pantheon—their gods were the Anunnaki of Sumer & Akkad; and the theophoric names of Assyrian kings and high officials indicated reverence to the gods Ashur, Enlil, Ninurta, Sin, Adad, and Shamash. There were temples to them, as well as to the goddess Inanna/Ishtar, who was also extensively worshipped; one of her best-known depictions, as a helmeted pilot (Fig. 60), was found in her temple in Ashur (the city).
Historical documents from the time indicate that it was the
Assyrians from the north who were the first to challenge Marduk’s
Babylon militarily. The very first recorded Assyrian king, Ilushuma,
led circa 1900 b.c.e. a successful military expedition down the
Tigris River all the way south to the border of Elam. His
inscriptions state that his aim was to “set the freedom of Ur and
Nippur”; and he did remove, for a while, those cities from Marduk’s
Neighboring each other, speaking the same Akkadian language, and both inheriting the Sumerian foundation, the
Assyrians and Babylonians were distinguishable by just one key
difference: their national god.
Assyria called itself the “Land of the god Ashur” or simply ASHUR, after the name of its national god, for its kings and people considered this religious aspect to be all that mattered. Its first capital was also called “City of Ashur,” or simply Ashur.
The name meant “The One Who Sees” or “The One Who Is Seen.”
Yet with all the countless hymns, prayers, and other references to the god Ashur, it remains unclear who exactly, in the Sumerian-Akkadian pantheon, he was.
In god lists he was the equivalent of Enlil; other
references sometimes suggest that he was Ninurta, Enlil’s son and
heir; but since whenever the spouse was listed or mentioned she was
always called Ninlil, the conclusion tends to be that the Assyrian
“Ashur” was Enlil.
But when it came to the
warfare with Babylon, the amazing aspect of Assyria’s attacks was
its central aim: not just the rollback of Babylon’s influence— but
the actual, physical removal of Marduk himself from his temple in
They were Abraham’s neighbors in Harran, and it was from Hittite landowners in Hebron, south of Jerusalem, that he bought the Machpelah burial cave. Bathsheba, whom King David coveted in Jerusalem, was the wife of a Hittite captain in his army; and it was from Hittite farmers (who used the site for wheat thrashing) that David bought the platform for the Temple on Mount Moriah.
Solomon bought chariot horses from Hittite princes, and it was one
of their daughters whom he married.
Yet, once settled, they added the Sumerian cuneiform script to their own distinct script, included Sumerian “loan words” in their terminology, studied and copied Sumerian “myths” and epic tales, and adopted the Sumerian pantheon—including the count of twelve “Olympians.” In fact, some of the earliest tales of the gods on Nibiru and coming from Nibiru were discovered only in their Hittite versions.
The Hittite gods were undoubtedly the Sumerian gods, and monuments and royal seals invariably showed them accompanied by the ubiquitous symbol of the Winged Disc (see Fig. 46), the symbol for Nibiru. These gods were sometimes called in the Hittite texts by their Sumerian or Akkadian names—we find Anu, Enlil, Ea, Ninurta, Inanna/Ishtar, and Utu/Shamash repeatedly mentioned. In other instances the gods were called by Hittite names; leading them was the Hittite national god, Teshub—“the Windblower” or “God of storms.”
He was none other than Enlil’s youngest son ISHKUR/Adad. His depictions showed him holding the lightning bolt as his weapon, usually standing upon a bull—the symbol of his father’s celestial constellation (Fig. 61).
The biblical references to the extended reach and military prowess of the Hittites were confirmed by archaeological discoveries both at Hittite sites and in the records of other nations. Significantly, the Hittite southward reach embraced the two space-related sites of the Landing Place (today’s Baalbek) and the post-Diluvial Mission Control Center (Jerusalem); it also brought the Enlilite Hittites to within striking distance of Egypt, the land of Ra/Marduk.
The two sides thus had all it took to engage in armed conflict.
In fact, the wars between the two included some of the
ancient world’s most famous battles fought “in the name of god.”
After several years of confusion and
disorder, kings belonging to a dynasty called the Kassite Dynasty
took control of Babylon, restored Marduk’s shrine, “took the hand of
Marduk,” and returned him to Babylon. Still, the Hittite sack of
Babylon is considered by historians to have marked the end both of
the glorious First Dynasty of Babylon and of the Old Babylonian
Was the intention of the raid just to embarrass and
diminish Marduk—deflate his ego, confuse his followers—or was there
a more far-reaching purpose— or cause—behind it?
Was it possible that Marduk fell victim to the proverbial “hoist by
his own petard”?