The partly successful efforts by top Nazi scientists in understanding and reverse engineering this ET technology was a major factor in Nazi Germany’s advanced weapons technology program and prolongation of the war effort in order to fully deploy these new weapons systems. At the conclusion of the Second World War, a top secret effort to repatriate the same Nazi scientists in order to utilize their expertise was begun by US Army’s Counter Intelligence Corps.
‘Operation Paperclip’, as this secret effort was called, involved the removal of hundreds of Nazi scientists to the well funded military-scientific laboratories created to produce weapons for the war effort.  A little known figure in ‘Operation Paperclip’ was a young German speaking US Army intelligence officer with a German Jewish background - Henry Kissinger.
Kissinger’s detachment, in reality, was playing a key role in ‘Operation Paperclip’ - a role that would mark him out in military intelligence circles as someone who had the keen intellect and strategic thinking abilities that could handle the most important strategic policy issue facing the US - how best to respond to the ET presence. 
He regularly commuted to Washington - as a consultant to its Operations Research Office which was under the direct control of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Operations Research Office ‘officially’ conducted highly classified studies on such topics as the utilization of former German operatives and Nazi partisan supporters in CIA clandestine activities. Kissinger’s official duties were once again a cover for his role in coordinating the recruitment and utilization of former Nazi scientists in clandestine projects involving the reverse engineering of ET technology, and dealing with a range of intelligence and strategic issues surrounding the ET presence.
As a member of the Council of Foreign Relations, Kissinger would undoubtedly have come to the attention of its most prominent members as someone who could provide leadership on how to respond to the ET presence.
The ‘treaty’ has been a source of much speculation but its existence and content has been revealed by a number of former military and government intelligence ‘whistleblowers’. 
Kissinger’s role in the clandestine operations, his close
relationship with Nelson Rockefeller, his intellectual
abilities, all combined to lead to a steady increase in his
Rockefeller and others running clandestine organizations
understood the danger in not coordinating clandestine policy
towards ET races and reverse engineering, with the more conventional
foreign policy issues that were the focus of public attention.
Strongly influencing, if not outright control of, successive Presidential administrations was viewed to be a critical part of how the ET presence had to be politically managed, effectively dismantling the executive oversight that was such a prominent feature of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.
In short, the US and USSR were strategic allies as far as addressing the ET presence was concerned, while simultaneously being strategic competitors in the geo-politics of the Cold War. This meant that much of the animosity that characterized the Cold War was a charade that helped divert the general public away from what was really happening. Such a charade could only work if the most senior officials within the Presidential administration were familiar with the ET presence, so as to moderate more bellicose policy makers who believed the Cold War was for real, and were fully ready to use nuclear weapons against the Soviet Union in response to a perceived attack.
Kissinger was intent on centralizing foreign policy making in the White House and the National Security Council, thereby ensuring him a central role in shaping not only US foreign policy, but also clandestine policy towards ET races in his new role as Director of MJ-12. Given his long history as a Director of the Special Studies Group/PI-40 since its formation, Kissinger would have been the most experienced and powerful head of MJ-12 since Nelson Rockefeller. 
Kissinger emerges in Hershe’s biography as a political figure paranoid about ceding power to others who in his view lacked the subtlety and acumen in dealing with critical foreign policy issues. Kissinger’s managerial style was to ensure that all information passed through him as the principal filter for shaping Nixon’s priorities and thinking on foreign policy.
A passage from a former Kissinger aide, Morton Halperin, reveals Kissinger’s political managerial style:
Kissinger’s political managerial style while in government is very significant since it provides insight into how decision making in PI-40 was conducted under Kissinger as the Study group director, and later in MJ-12 when he become its head during the Nixon/Ford administrations. 
For Bismark, international politics was a grand chess board where morality and sentiment played at best a secondary role, and what really mattered was the skillful use of one’s resources in achieving one’s strategic objective of maximizing power. 
‘Realpolitik’ dominated Kissinger’s approach to international politics as evidenced in places such as Laos, Cambodia, Chile and East Timor where morality and sentiment played no role in these countries treatment as pawns in the grand game of international chess where the US competed with the Soviet Union to maximize its geo-political power, while simultaneously cooperating strategically in responding to the ET presence .
The moral orientation of these ET races that interacted with humanity and the clandestine organizations that were aware of ET activities were not given great emphasis in Kissinger’s realpolitik concerning the ET presence. What mattered was the extent to which ET races would provide resources for US clandestine organizations to improve their weapons technology and thus improve the US’s strategic position vis-à-vis different ET races. Kissinger’s realpolitik was the way in which the complex political, social, economic and environment issues would be managed vis-à-vis the ET presence.
Kissinger’s role would be similar to his 19th century hero, Bismark, Kissinger would play a key role in transforming the US into the dominant global power that could deal with ET races as an equal, without sparking a damaging interplanetary war with one or more of the ET races that would spell the end for US sovereignty and freedom. Kissinger’s close association with the Rockefeller family ensured that Corporate America would continue to play a prominent role in the political management of the ET presence.
Eisenhower’s warning that the political management of the ET presence was “not in the best hands” now appeared prophetic.
Carter, however, would find that as President, he would be unable to determine the full extent of US clandestine programs focused on the ET presence, far less have any power to influence how to politically manage the ET presence.
Even though his National
Zbigniew Brzezinski was one of the first
directors of PI-40 and would have now taken over the
chair of MJ-12 from Kissinger, Carter
and his principal advisors found that they were simply denied the
necessary information on the ET presence making it painfully clear
that executive oversight of the ET presence was non-existent. 
After the debacle over its Extraterrestrial Communication project,
Carter and his senior advisors quickly recognized they were
‘minor players’ as far as the ET presence was concerned. Indeed,
this lack of ability to politically manage ET affairs, may well have
been a critical factor in the Iranian revolution that
did so much to undermine Carter’s reelection chances. 
Privately, however, Reagan had a similar perspective on the ET presence and what he viewed as the need to negotiate from a position of strength vis-à-vis the ‘ET threat to humanity’. 
Like his predecessor, President Carter, Reagan had an encounter with UFO’s. 
Unlike Carter, however, he developed a strong belief that the ET presence was a threat to humanity that had to be militarily contained. In contrast, his opponent in the Republican Primaries, former CIA Director George Bush, brought with him a more moderate Republican ideology – an ideology that was more consistent with the views of MJ-12/PI-40, which Bush had previously been a member of, and of Henry Kissinger who was by now the undisputed master strategist for MJ-12/PI-40 with nearly 40 years experience in dealing with the ET presence.
The election of Reagan over Bush would certainly have come as a disappointment to Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 not only in terms of it bring in another ‘outsider’ who impacted the ability of MJ-12/PI-40 to politically manage the ET presence, but also because it allowed a dangerous element to emerge in the clandestine effort to manage this presence.
What Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 were most concerned about was the danger of clandestine organizations in the US military and/or intelligence services engaging in a dangerous confrontation with ET races that could degenerate into a large scale hostilities leading to a ‘war of the worlds’. As the master ‘Bismarkian’ strategist, Kissinger was concerned to maintain the ‘balance of power’ while simultaneously advancing the strategic position of the US vis-a-vis ET races.
PI-40, again under the leadership of Kissinger after having served his full term as head of MJ-12, was therefore intent on containing any ‘military adventurism’ on the part of clandestine organizations in the US military that were at best too confrontational, or at worst infiltrated by ET races intent on initiating global confrontation.  What most concerned MJ-12/PI-40 was the possibility that a Presidential administration could be unduly influenced by clandestine military organizations that either were prone to military adventurism and/or been infiltrated by ET races.
His first major public comment on an ET threat occurred at a 1985 US-Soviet Summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev at Geneva when he said:
If his unscheduled comment at a US-Soviet Summit were not itself a provocative enough expression of Reagan’s views on the possible threat of an ET presence, then his speech to the Forty-Second UN General Assembly of the United Nations on September 21, 1987, was even more provocative and disturbing in its implications:
For Colonel Phillip Corso, and other conservative military officers, Reagan was a hero who knew how to best respond to the ET presence – a global defensive shield that could shoot down ET craft anywhere around the planet. 
The Strategic Defense Initiative had little to do with shooting down
ballistic nuclear missiles, and really was part of a planetary
shield desired by clandestine organizations in the military wanting
to militarily confront the ET presence.
Given the gravity of Reagan’s fixed views and the implications for managing the ET presence, it is very likely groups responsive to the concerns of PI-40 played a role in attempting to have Reagan removed from public office and replaced by an MJ-12/PI-40 member, George Bush, the Vice President and former head of the CIA.
The Hinkley assassination attempt in 1981 was possibly an attempt by organizations loosely linked with PI-40 to either remove or intimidate Reagan so as to prevent what could have been a disastrous unraveling of the covert global cooperation in managing the ET presence.  The eventual result of the assassination attempt was that the Reagan administration’s militaristic impulses were sufficiently restrained so as to ensure that no military confrontation with ET races would spiral out of control.
monopolizing decision making power in
MJ-12/PI-40, maintaining the balance of power, and
continuing to reverse ET technology for weapons acquisition, and
maintaining the prominent role of Corporate America in dealing with
the ET presence, were the keys to politically managing the ET
The successful outcome of the Gulf War in 1991 was similarly an
event that would have normally secured a successful reelection
campaign. The outcome of the 1992 Presidential election appeared so
certain, that prominent Democrats decided not to run and viewed 1996
as the best time for a Presidential campaign.
Stephen Greer narrated the following exchange he had with a famous astronaut:
This suggested that many of those sitting in MJ-12/PI-40, were hangovers from the Bush administration, and Clinton’s political appointments were not trusted to maintain secrecy.
Clinton’s efforts to extract information from clandestine organizations proved fruitless as evidenced in the following quote from William Laparl, who worked with the CIA in the early days of the Clinton Administration:
Clinton’s interest and efforts to gain information on the ET presence and clandestine projects were a threat to MJ-12/PI-40 insofar as Clinton’s initiatives threatened the veil of secrecy that had been existing since the 1940’s.
More importantly, Clinton’s efforts may well have been viewed as the initial stages of an attempt to re-establish executive oversight. It is not to difficult to surmise that many of Clinton’s political problems were a result of clandestine efforts to distract the Clinton administration, and ensure minimal support for his domestic policies. Clinton became resigned to serving his term with only minimal knowledge of the ET presence, and without having any serious impact on how to politically manage the ET presence.
His remarks to a question from a Northern Ireland teenager in November 1995 testify to his political impotence on the ET presence:
The election of George W. Bush in 2000 once again led to an insider, or at least an insider’s loyal son, to be in the White House.
George Bush, Sr., would henceforth play a key role in steering his son, who lacked the kind of intellectual qualities to be a member of PI-40 or Council on Foreign Affairs, in his own right, but served as a useful figurehead that could gain the loyalty of the American public in ways that the more urbane and sophisticated George Bush Snr., and Nelson Rockefeller before him, never could.
This set the stage for a new phase in the political management of the ET presence, the takeover of a foreign country for purposes exclusively to do with the strategic advantage this would provide in politically managing the ET presence.