10 - The Human Condition
This chapter considers humanity as a whole.
First considered is the apparent age of
mankind on Earth.
Then, the three races of mankind are shown to
correlate with gender difference, and the origin of this gender
difference, at least in part, is traced back to the Caretakers.
Next, the reason for sleep, and its universality, is explained in
terms of intelligent particles.
Then, a modern-day god-man, Sathya Sai
Baba, is examined.
10.1 The Age of Modern Man According to
Cremo and Thompson
Michael Cremo and Richard Thompson are the authors of
History of the Human Race.1
The basic case made by Cremo and
Thompson, is that since the
Darwinian theory of man’s evolution
became the dominant theory in the 19th century, the validity of
archeological finds - including issues of dating - are judged based
on their fit into the Darwinian theory.2
This pattern of data suppression has been going on for a long time.
In 1880, J. D. Whitney, the state geologist of California, published
a lengthy review of advanced stone tools found in California gold
The implements, including spear points
and stone mortars and pestles, were found deep in mine shafts,
underneath thick, undisturbed layers of lava, in formations ranging
from 9 million to over 55 million years old.
W.H. Holmes of the
Smithsonian Institution, one of the most vocal critics of the
California finds, wrote:
“Perhaps if professor Whitney had
fully appreciated the story of human evolution as it is
understood today, he would have hesitated to announce the
conclusions formulated [that humans existed in very ancient
times in North America], notwithstanding the imposing array of
testimony with which he was confronted.”
In other words, if the facts do not
agree with the favored theory, then such facts, even an imposing
array of them, must be discarded.
1 Cremo, Michael, and Richard
Thompson. The Hidden History of the Human Race. Govardhan Hill
Publishing, Badger CA, 1994. (The Hidden History of the Human Race
is the abridged version of their larger work,
The Hidden History of the Human Race, published in 1993.)
2 The basics of Darwin’s theory of evolution (section 8.3) do not
require that the appearance of modern man be recent. However,
because the fossil record shows different ape-like creatures alive
during the last few million years, and because modern man is assumed
by the theory to be an evolution from ape-like predecessors, the
assumption is made that modern man appeared only recently, so as to
allow as much time as possible for the randomness of Darwinism to
make changes in the apelike predecessors.
Thus, the first appearance of modern
man is typically dated within the last 100,000 years
(first-appearance dates of 30,000 years ago in Europe, and 12,000
years ago in North America, are common).
Assigning a recent date for the appearance of modern man, besides
conforming to Darwinian thought, also has the advantage of avoiding
an unpleasant question: If modern man has been on Earth for millions
of years, then what has happened to all the previous human
civilizations that one might expect to have existed during the
course of those millions of years?
Unfortunately, it turns out that there is a very good answer to this
question: in the form of civilization-destroying comets and
asteroids, that hit the Earth on a more or less regular basis. For
example, astronomer Duncan Steel roughly estimates a
civilization-destroyer - an impactor that would, in effect, blast
mankind back into the stone-age - as a comet or asteroid 1 to 2
kilometers in diameter (the impact energy for a 1-kilometer object
is roughly 100,000 megatons); and these civilization-destroyer
impacts happen roughly once every 100,000 years (Steel, Duncan.
Rouge Asteroids and Doomsday Comets. Wiley, New York, 1995. pp.
Also, over the last 20,000 years, there has been an ongoing breakup
in the inner solar system, of a giant comet - the fragments of this
breakup constitute the Taurid meteor stream (Ibid., pp. 132–136).
The presence of this Taurid stream has increased the likelihood of a
And, apparently, from this stream, two
civilization-destroyers impacted in the ocean roughly 13,000 and
11,000 years ago. Among other things, these ocean impacts explain
the Atlantis myth, the many flood myths, and why mankind was
recently in a stone-age (Hancock, Graham. The Mars Mystery. Crown,
New York, 1998. pp. 250–258).
This supports the primary point we are trying to make in
History of the Human Race, namely, that there exists in the
scientific community a knowledge filter that screens out unwelcome
evidence. This process of knowledge filtration has been going on for
well over a century and continues to the present day.3
Drawing largely from papers published in the scientific literature,
Cremo and Thompson present a wide variety of evidence - including
stone tools and complete skeletons - for the existence of modern man
in remote times. According to Cremo and Thompson, the physical
evidence shows that modern man has been on Earth for many millions
In a follow-up book,
Forbidden Archeology’s Impact, Michael Cremo
comments on the big picture, as to why the “knowledge filter” has
been so pervasive, concealing the great antiquity of the human race:
The current theory of evolution takes its place within a worldview
that was built up in Europe, principally, over the past three or
four centuries. We might call it a mechanistic, materialistic
Historically, I would say that the
Judeo-Christian tradition helped prepare the way for the mechanistic
worldview by depopulating the universe of its demigods and spirits
and discrediting most paranormal occurrences, with the exception of
a few miracles mentioned in the Bible. Science took the further step
of discrediting the few remaining kinds of acceptable miracles,
especially after David Hume’s attack upon them.
Essentially, Hume said if it comes down
to a choice between believing reports of paranormal occurrences,
even by reputable witnesses, or rejecting the laws of physics, it is
more reasonable to reject the testimony of the witnesses to
paranormal occurrences, no matter how voluminous and well attested.
Better to believe the witnesses were mistaken or lying… the
presentation of an alternative to Darwinian evolution depends upon
altering the whole view of reality underlying it.
If one accepts that reality means only
atoms and the void, Darwinian evolution makes perfect sense as the
only explanation worth pursuing.4
10.2 The Gender Basis of the Three Races
There are three commonly
And there appears to be a strong
correlation between the comparative traits of these three races, and
the comparative traits of the two genders: man and woman, male and
Briefly, the correlation is that on a scale from masculine
to feminine, the three races are ordered: african, caucasian, and
oriental. Consideration for specific traits follow - and when
speaking of specific traits, as they appear in each gender and race,
the average case is assumed.
Regarding physical size and strength, obviously men are larger and
stronger than women. For the three races, obviously the oriental
race is the smallest and weakest.
Less obvious, but still quite
apparent, the african race has the largest - not counting fat as
contributing to size - and strongest bodies.5
3 Cremo and Thompson, op. cit.,
pp. xvii–xviii. (The bracketed note is in the original.)
4 Cremo, Michael. Forbidden Archeology’s Impact. Bhaktivedanta Book
Publishing, Los Angeles, 1998. pp. 337–338. (Michael Cremo is
quoting himself, from a letter he wrote in 1993.)
5 When nutritional conditions are the same for both races, as found
in 20th century America, the size and strength advantage is clear.
For example, in American sports, at the end of the 20th century,
africans dominate overwhelmingly in basketball, football, and boxing
- three sports that reward size and strength - despite being
outnumbered in America by caucasians roughly six to one.
Regarding life expectancy, women have a longer life expectancy than
For the three races, when nutritional and sanitary conditions
are the same, the african race has the shortest life expectancy, the
oriental race has the longest life expectancy (for example, at the
end of the 20th century, the Japanese have the longest life
expectancy in the world), and the caucasian race is in-between.
Regarding coloring, men tend to be darker than women. For the three
races, obviously the african race is the darkest (a fraction of this
race is completely black, which is not seen in the other two races).
Note that the gender bias for coloring is dominated by organic
needs, and a resulting geographic bias: living in sunny lands tends
to darken the skin, and vice versa.
Thus, for example,
the caucasian Finns,
who live further north than most people, are very light-colored
whereas the caucasians of the Indian subcontinent, are
dark (much darker than the oriental Vietnamese, who live at the same
latitudes; but not as dark and black as the africans at those
Once the geographic bias of coloring is discounted - by
comparing races at the same latitudes - it becomes apparent that the caucasian race is darker than the oriental race.
Regarding a tendency for violence, obviously men are more violent
than women. For the three races, an examination of worldwide crime
statistics shows the african race as the most violent, the oriental
race as the least violent, and the caucasian race is in-between.
Regarding general intelligence, women are obviously more verbal than
men (verbal ability is a major component of general intelligence);
and as mentioned in section 4.6, general intelligence seems to be
inherited through the mother.
For the three races, the african race
scores lowest on IQ tests, the oriental race scores highest (for
example, the Japanese score highest in the world on standard IQ
tests), and the caucasian race is in-between.
Although much more could be said to make the case that there is a
gender basis for the three races, the above is sufficient. And given
this gender basis, it seems likely that the three races are, more or
less, a constant and permanent feature of humanity - instead of
being some ordinary development of Lamarckian evolution, that could
disappear as a result of environmental change, natural disaster, or
In effect, the three races represent the large-scale range
of gender-difference that the total population of
intelligent-particle beings who are human, want to express.
It is interesting to note that slanted eyes, which is an identifying
characteristic of the oriental race, is a prominent feature of the
Caretakers, when they assume the small gray-alien form, commonly
reported by American caucasian abductees. Given the discussion of
the Caretakers in the previous chapters, it is reasonable to assume
that the Caretakers are more intelligent than the most intelligent
human nation (i.e. more intelligent than the Japanese).6
And note that it is common for abductees
to claim that they can tell the gender of one or more of the beings
involved in their abductions, even though abductees typically report
no visible difference between what they claim are male and female
beings. And note that many of the gender differences in humans -
such as the degree of talkativeness, and the desire to socialize -
are mental differences that do not require for their realization a
Thus, given these considerations, it is
probable that at least some of the human gender differences that are
mental differences, are contained in whatever learned programs were
copied from the Caretakers, back in the remote past when humanity
10.3 The Need for Sleep
Sleep - in the sense of an
organism becoming periodically inactive - is widespread throughout
nature, and not limited to the higher animals.
“many insects do rest during the day
or night. These rests are called quiescent periods.” 7,8
“The authors of the book The
Invertebrates: A New Synthesis write: After activity there
continued on next page is need for rest, even for ‘busy bees’.
Honey bees enter a state of profound rest at night, with
remarkable similarities to the phenomenon of sleep.” 9
6 The implication is clear: on
the gender scale, the Caretaker civilization is more feminine than
the oriental race. And besides the assumed correlation of
intelligence, there is also an apparent correlation regarding
violence, because the Caretakers appear to be very nonviolent. And
even though the Caretakers have no organic body, and no fixed body
of any form, note the apparent correlation regarding size, as the
Caretakers typically adopt a comparatively small size when they
assume a form for interacting with people.
7 The web citations in this section are all from a website called
The MAD Scientist Network, provided by the Washington University
School of Medicine in St. Louis. The purpose of this website is to
provide a forum in which people can pose questions to be answered by
scientists. The quoted selections - three of these quotes are
slightly edited for improved readability.
8 From the post RE: insects, made by
Kurt Pickett (Grad Student Entomology, Ohio State University). At
9 From the post RE: ants and sleep, made by Keith McGuinness
(Faculty Biology). At
http://www.madsci.org/posts/archives/dec96/841965056.Zo.r.html (specifically, three commas,
and a missing to, were added) - are from answers to questions posed
by other persons (none of the questions were posed by this author).
“Fish do have a quiescent period
which can be called ‘sleep’. Tropical freshwater fish in home
aquaria can be observed resting immediately after turning the
lights on in a room which has been darkened for several hours.”10
“Yes, frogs and toads sleep with
their eyes closed. … Snakes, like all reptiles, do sleep. They
are capable of doing this quite soundly despite the fact that
they have no moveable eyelids. Moving your hand in front of the
face of a sleeping snake will often not cause it to wake up for
“Sharks don’t sleep as we know it,
but they do rest. Often they will come to a quiet bottom area
and stay there motionless.”12
As to why sleep happens, the
mathematics-only reality model has no explanation, because there is
nothing about physical particles that implies the need for periodic
However, unlike the mathematics-only
reality model, the computing-element reality model does have an
explanation for sleep, in terms of the nature of intelligent
particles: For an intelligent particle, its sleep period is the time
during which its learned programs have stopped running, and,
instead, the computing-element program’s learning algorithms
(section 4.6) are running against those learned programs.
effect, all changes to an intelligent particle’s learned programs
(including any additions or deletions of learned programs) are made
when that intelligent particle is asleep.
Given that sleep is a part of each intelligent particle -
irrespective of the presence or absence of a common-particle body -
it follows that all intelligent-particle beings sleep. Thus, for
example, the Caretakers sleep. And, for example, people in the
afterlife sleep. And each organic life form - assuming it has at
least one bion - sleeps. Thus, for example, bacteria sleep.
For a complex organism with many bions, the periods of sleep for
those bions can be synchronized and/or unsynchronized as needed, in
accordance with the needs of that organism. For example, each bion
in a plant - which lacks a nervous system and associated mind
- can probably sleep according to its own arbitrary schedule,
without causing harm to the plant as a whole (at any one time,
roughly the same percentage and distribution of the plant’s bions
would be asleep).
But for those organisms that have a
nervous system and associated mind, which controls the organism’s
movements in its environment, a more or less synchronous sleeping of
those bions would be the case: during which time, the organism is
perceived to be asleep, resting, quiescent.
For any bion, a longer sleep period represents more time for the
computing-element program to apply its learning algorithms to that
bion’s learned programs.
By the time a child is born, that child
has many learned programs that collectively form its mind (in the
typical case, probably at least some of these learned programs were
copied from the child’s parents), and, in effect, these learned
programs need to be integrated with each other, along with the
soliton, for that child. It seems likely that the need for
modifications to a child’s learned programs, would be greatest at
its earliest age, and then decline with age.
And this appears to be the case:
“It is well established that infants
and children need much more sleep than adults. For example,
infants need about 16 hours of sleep, toddlers about 12, and
school age children about 10… during puberty our need for sleep
actually increases again and is similar to that of toddlers.”13
10 From the post RE: Do fish sleep?, made by Bruce Woodin (Staff
Biology. Woods Hole). At
11 From the post RE: Do snakes eat their own eggs?, made by Kevin
Ostanek (Undergraduate, Lake Erie College). At
12 From the post RE: Sharks, made by Roger Raimist (Prof. Biological
13 From the post RE: You are right,
children are much more active in their sleep, made by Salvatore
Cullari (Professor and Chair, Lebanon Valley College). At
10.4 Sai Baba According to Haraldsson
Haraldsson (a professor at the University of Iceland) has written a
study of the Indian guru Sathya Sai Baba (born November 23, 1926),
in his book Modern Miracles.14,15
experience with Sai Baba included witnessing several
materializations, which is the type of miracle for which Sai Baba is
Haraldsson’s first interview with Sai
Baba was in 1973:
We told him we were researchers of
psychic phenomena and had heard many accounts of miracles
occurring in his presence. As we were talking, he again made
with his right hand the typical small, circular movements that
last for two or three seconds, and lo! - there was a large,
shiny golden ring in his palm. He put it on Dr. Osis’ ring
finger and said it was for him.
It fitted… [Haraldsson then argues
with Sai Baba in a futile attempt to get Sai Baba to agree to
controlled experiments, and in this argument Sai Baba uses an
apparent Indian colloquialism: double rudraksha (referring to a
rare malformation of the seed of a rudraksha plant). Haraldsson
then becomes insistent as to what exactly is meant by double rudraksha, having been dissatisfied with Sai Baba’s initial
explanatory attempts.] …
Sai Baba closed his fist and waved
his hand for a second or two. As he opened it, he turned to me
and said: ‘This is it’.
In his palm was an acorn-like object
about three centimeters at its widest point, brownish, and with
a fine texture like an apricot stone… It had the particular
freshness and cleanness that I later observed to be
characteristic of the objects he produces… [After Haraldsson
and Dr. Osis handle the object, Sai Baba takes it back for a
moment, saying that he wants to give Haraldsson a present.] …
He enclosed the rudraksha in both
his hands, blew on it, and opened his hands towards me. In his
palm we saw a beautiful piece. The double rudraksha was now
covered, on the top and on the bottom, by two tiny, oval-shaped,
The potential explanation that Sai Baba
is just a magician, who uses sleight-of-hand to fool people, is
dealt with at length by Haraldsson in his book, and the interested
reader who doubts the validity of Sai Baba’s materialization ability
is referred there.
As mentioned in section 9.8, the Caretakers have subject to their
conscious control, learned programs that make them look like gods
with marvelous psychic powers.
Sai Baba’s materialization ability is
probably due to the relevant learned programs having been copied
from the mind of a Caretaker into the mind of Sai Baba.17,18
14 Haraldsson, Erlendur. Modern
Miracles: An Investigative Report on Psychic Phenomena Associated
with Sathya Sai Baba. Hastings House, Mamaroneck NY, 1997.
15 Besides Haraldsson’s book, there is a large literature on Sai
Baba, much of it in English.
16 Ibid., pp. 25–27.
17 Citing the Sathya Sai Baba biography, written by Kasturi,
Haraldsson gives the following sequence of events for Sai Baba: On
March 8, 1940, at about 7 at night, at age 13, Sathya, “gave a
shriek and leaped up grasping his right toe as if he had been
bitten! Although no scorpion or snake was discovered, he fell as
though unconscious and became stiff.” (Ibid., p. 56; Haraldsson is
quoting Kasturi). Sathya remained unconscious for the night, and
began behaving strangely thereafter (his parents took him to a
doctor, who declared the boy to be suffering from “fits” and
“hysteria”). Then, on May 20 (about ten weeks after the beginning
event of March 8), Sathya called his family together, materialized
candy and flowers for them, and then materialized more candy and
flowers, and rice, for the neighbors who came. Sathya’s sister,
Venkamma, told Haraldsson that the family had not seen any miracles
from Sathya before then. Besides doing the materializations that
day, Sathya also declared himself to be the reincarnation of Sai
Baba of Shirdi, a famous Indian guru who had died in 1918 (Ibid.,
It seems likely that the assumed copying of learned programs, from a
Caretaker to Sathya, took place on March 8; and the resulting
unconsciousness, followed by the “fits” and “hysteria” that lasted
for roughly ten weeks, were all part of the process of integrating
those learned programs into the mind of Sathya. After the ten weeks,
the integration was sufficiently complete so that Sathya could
exercise conscious control over his new materialization ability, and
give his first public demonstration.
Since his first pronouncement, Sathya Sai Baba has consistently
maintained that he is the reincarnation of Sai Baba of Shirdi. And
this past-life identity is reasonable, because the Caretakers are
not going to give their learned programs for materialization and
dematerialization (Sathya Sai Baba can also dematerialize small
objects) to just anyone - instead, it seems that the recipient must
be someone who will display the given abilities openly, in a
religious framework, and with minimal abuse of those abilities.
Thus, it appears that with his previous life as Sai Baba of Shirdi,
the Caretakers judged Sathya as one who could be trusted to use the
abilities as they wanted them used.
Regarding possible abuse, note that besides simply materializing
gold or money to directly enrich oneself, there is also the
possibility of harming others: by materializing or dematerializing
p-common particles, in the amount that Sathya Sai Baba can do, and
doing so in someone else’s body, that person can be killed or
disabled in a moment. To date, there seems to be no evidence that
Sathya Sai Baba has, by using his given abilities, either directly
enriched himself, or harmed anyone. Thus, it seems that the
Caretakers chose wisely when they chose Sathya.
18 Sai Baba’s materialization ability
is limited to physical objects: there are no reports of Sai Baba
having materialized a living plant or animal. And this inability is
to be expected, because the underlying learned-program statements
for materialization and dematerialization, apply only to common
That the computing-element program does not include learned-program
statements for either materializing or dematerializing intelligent
particles, is reasonable, because intelligent particles differ from
one another based on their learned programs and associated data.
Thus, for example, if a new intelligent particle were created, what
would be its state information (learned programs, etc.), if not
simply empty? Given the potential complexity of intelligent
particles, and given the degree to which they can differ from one
another, any learned-program statements for either materializing or
dematerializing intelligent particles, would be unsafe. Thus, one
can assume that such statements are not available in the
computing-element program - and this assumption is consistent
with the evidence.
Regarding Sai Baba’s materialization ability, his materialization
ability is limited to small physical objects, or to repetitions of
small physical patterns. For example, Sai Baba has never
materialized a car, nor a car engine, nor a car engine’s carburetor.
To produce such a comparatively large single object, the relevant
learned programs would have to have as input data a complete scan of
a sample object from which to model the object to be materialized.
To minimize the complexity of the learned programs, this scan data
would be at, or near, the p-common particle level.
This implies a very large data-storage
requirement. Thus, within that group of intelligent particles that
is hosting the relevant learned programs, the available memory for
storing the scan data is probably the limiting factor on the size of
the objects that can be materialized. In other words, what probably
limits the learned programs from materializing larger objects, is
the lack of enough memory to store the data that models the objects
to be materialized. Note that the data-storage requirement, per
object, will be roughly proportional to the volume of that object
(and volume grows with the cube of length).
The jewelry items that Sai Baba typically materializes, are only a
few cubic centimeters in volume. But the volume of a car is on the
order of a million cubic centimeters. Thus, in the memory space
needed to store the scan of a single car, one could, instead, store
the scans of roughly a hundred-thousand completely different small
objects, of the size that Sai Baba typically materializes (the
number of object models that Sai Baba has in memory, at any one
time, from which he can base a materialization, is probably at least
in the hundreds, if not thousands). Although a scan-store-copy
algorithm is presumably at the core of the relevant learned
programs, these learned programs are more sophisticated than being a
mere copy machine, because, for example, Sai Baba can size rings to
fit, and include his likeness on materialized objects.
Besides materializing small objects, Sai Baba can continuously
materialize repetitions from a single, small, physical pattern. For
example, the vibhuti (ash from burned cow dung) that pours from Sai
Baba’s hands, is his most common repetitious materialization. And
the various foods that Sai Baba materializes, are at least sometimes
repetitious materializations. For example, Haraldsson recounts a
number of cases in which Sai Baba materialized large quantities of
food, into various containers, from which many people were then
served. For example, Haraldsson quotes Krishna Kumar as saying that
he saw Sai Baba fill a number of food containers, one at a time,
filling each container with food in a matter of seconds (Ibid., p.
118; Krishna Kumar says that he actually saw the food rising up in
the containers, thereby filling them: this observation is consistent
with repetitious materialization). From such accounts as these, it
seems that, at best, Sai Baba can do repetitious materializations at
a rate of no more than a few kilograms of p-common particles per
It is perhaps interesting to note that there are European legends of
peasants having grain stores filled by fairies, so that, for
example, they could survive the winter. Given that the fairies of
legend are the Caretakers, and given that Sai Baba has their learned
programs for materialization, and given that Sai Baba was able to
repetitiously materialize enough food to feed many people, then
these legends may well be based on actual happenings.
The Hindus - at least some of them -
call men like Sai Baba, god-men.19 This is a good
term, in the sense that such god-men, who are a great rarity,
have at least a few of the powers attributed to the gods (the
Caretakers). One reason for the rarity of these god-men, is
probably that so few men can, in effect, be trusted with
telekinetic, materialization, or dematerialization powers,
because of the potential of such powers to harm and kill others
(the human body is very fragile). Each genuine god-man is more
than a man, but less than a single Caretaker.20
One problem with being a god-man, is that the Caretakers
apparently do not enlighten the god-man as to exactly who and
what they are; nor do they teach the god-man about their
civilization and its science. Thus, the god-man is ignorant, and
has no real understanding as to why he can do what he can do.
For example, as Haraldsson says about his attempt during that
first interview, to get Sai Baba to explain how he could do such
“It was dawning on us that the discourse of Sai Baba was in the realm of religion, not empirical science.
Our sympathetic swami was not a man of science.”21
explain his abilities to himself, Sai Baba, who by all accounts
is an intelligent man, has drawn from the Hindu religion into
which he was born.
Although, through ignorance, many Sai Baba devotees exaggerate
his place in the scheme of things (more or less in the same way
that the god-man Jesus was exaggerated by his followers into
being one-third of the Christian religion’s one-and-only God),
Sai Baba, himself, is at least sometimes guilty of having
imagined himself to be more than he is.
For example, Haraldsson
quotes the experience of M. Krishna, who was close to Sai Baba
during the mid 1950s (in this example, Sai Baba, roughly thirty
years old at the time, wrongly imagines that he is competent to
perform a minor operation):
Once I had myself tonsillitis and a very sore throat. Then swami
said he would operate upon my tonsils… He waved his hand, and
a knife came seemingly out of nowhere…
[Sai Baba then
“operates,” causing some bleeding. That evening, after the
operation, Krishna went to a friend who was a doctor, and
Krishna told the doctor that Sai Baba had operated and removed
his tonsils. Krishna then says what that doctor’s response was:]
He remarked something like this:
‘What do you say? You are a fool
and he is a liar.’ [Krishna still had his tonsils, and they
were removed in a hospital a few years later.]22,23
19 Ibid., p. 211.
20 Being a genuine god-man is not without its risks. For example,
assuming Jesus was a god-man, the Caretakers did not intervene to
prevent his murder. And in 1993, Sathya Sai Baba survived an
apparent assassination attempt that left two of his personal
attendants dead (four knife-armed men had killed the two attendants
in an effort to gain access to the room in which Sai Baba slept;
these apparent assassins were then killed by police who were called
to the scene).
21 Ibid., p. 27.
22 Ibid., p. 176.
23 Although it seems that Sai Baba has helped some people with
physical ailments, he was unable to help the mentally ill. For
example, Krishna Kumar, an early devotee, is quoted as saying: “Many
mentally sick people came to Baba, but none of them were healed.”
(Ibid., p. 123)
Assuming that the cause of many mental illnesses is within the
learned programs and/or associated data, in the mind of the
individual who is mentally ill, and not merely the result of some
organic problem, then, an inability to directly heal such mental
illness is to be expected for any god-man, and for the Caretakers as
well, because the learned programs and/or associated data, in the
mind of another person, are not directly accessible.
JohMann Website - 2006 (11th ed.)
The basic idea of karma is
that one’s actions have consequences. Good actions have good
consequences, and bad actions have bad consequences. Also, the death
of the physical body is not a barrier for karma. Some consequences
may, in effect, be deferred until one’s next incarnation in a
Given the computing-element reality model, one can dismiss
any suggestion that karma is some universal law of the universe
that operates in some impartial and perfect way.
Instead, karma is personal and
Negative karma (karma for bad
actions) operates in two ways, both of which are highly subjective:
In general, if you harm someone else in a way that is judged
unfair by that person (this recognition and judgment can be
either consciously made or unconsciously made), then, in
effect, that person, either during the current incarnation
or during the next incarnation, may at some point try to pay
you back and harm you in return. In a word, this is revenge.
This is a consequence of our structure: a single soliton
(one’s awareness) ruling a large, cooperating population of
bions (one’s mind). In effect, if one fails to be a good
ruler, there may be a rebellion of the ruled.
Just as your awareness (the soliton) is a member in a larger
society (the bions composing your mind), so is your person a
member in a larger human society. Harming human society is
analogous to harming your mind, and can encourage rebellion.
Thus, to be a good ruler over
one’s own mind:
Note that this guideline does not
necessarily mean that one should not attack or disrupt the society
in which one lives, because not every society is just or fair, and
even a good society can probably be improved.
Also, construction sometimes requires
a preceding destruction.
Note that one’s own family is the smallest and most immediate
society in which one lives. And, as the saying goes: charity begins
in the home.
As a worst-case example of how the rebellion can manifest itself in
the next incarnation, consider the case of schizophrenics who are
tormented by voices that accuse them in various ways. These voices
are from the person’s own mind, and are independent but “low,”
having an extremely limited mental range.,
Although some of the misfortunes that befall one may be the result
of karma, one should avoid oversimplifying and assuming that all
misfortunes are the result of karma.
We are finite, and our minds are limited. Real accidents do happen
(although some apparent accidents may be unconsciously arranged
by one’s own mind and/or other minds). Also, one may be caught
in some larger social process which has nothing to do with one’s
karma but has a negative effect on one’s life. And, of course, the
experience of ill health touches all, and the misfortunes of old age
befall everyone who lives long enough.
In general, because of our own complexity, life is complex, with
many often-conflicting influences. Karma is only a part of what
influences our lives.
And, as the saying goes: you have to
take the good with the bad.
 Just as all that one sees is
a construction of one’s own mind (section 3.6), so is all that
one hears a construction of one’s own mind. Thus, all voices
that one may hear, are constructed by one’s own mind, regardless
of whether the text (what the voice is saying) has an internal
origin (from within one’s own mind) or an external origin (from
one of the sensory sources: either one’s physical hearing or
A typical person is familiar with two kinds of voices: the voice
of one’s own thoughts (this is the same as the voice one hears
when reading), and voices heard thru one’s physical hearing
(whether hearing oneself talk or hearing others talk).
Apparently, given the unerring
ease with which one distinguishes between hearing the voice of
one’s own thoughts and hearing voices heard thru one’s physical
hearing, and given the fact that both types of hearing can take
place simultaneously without interference between them, it
follows that there are two different non-overlapping allocations
of awareness-particle input channels (section 9.6) for carrying
the two kinds of hearing to the awareness: one allocation
carries the voice of one’s own thoughts, and the other
allocation carries all the sounds, including voices, heard thru
one’s physical hearing.
As a rule, the text for the voice of one’s own thoughts has an
internal origin, and this voice has a soft and unobtrusive
sound. A person may also have experience with hearing voices in
one’s dreams. In this case, the dream voices have the same sound
quality as voices heard thru physical hearing. In other words,
they sound like normal voices, instead of sounding like the
voice of one’s own thoughts. These dream voices are probably
carried to the awareness over the same allocation used for
carrying the sounds heard thru one’s physical hearing.
In the case of psychics who claim to hear normal voices, which
they believe are telepathic communications from other minds
(typically from the dead), such telepathic communication is
certainly possible. However, alternatively, in at least some
cases, the text may have an internal origin or a mixed origin.
In either case, if the voice sounds normal (in other words, the
voice sounds like voices heard thru one’s physical hearing) then
that heard voice is probably carried to the awareness over the
same allocation used for carrying the sounds heard thru one’s
Apparently for some people - typically women - who take their
religious beliefs too seriously about submitting their will to
God, Jesus, or whatever, they may find themselves being ordered
about by their own unconscious mind masquerading behind a
normal-sounding voice. In effect, they abdicate the natural
right of their awareness as ruler, and give that right to their
unconscious mind, imagining that the voice they hear is the
voice of God, Jesus, or whatever.
Schizophrenics who are tormented by accusatory voices claim to
hear those voices as normal voices. But it should be clear that
the text of the voices, regardless of how they sound and
regardless of which allocation is carrying those voices, has an
internal origin, given such reported characteristics as the
extreme monotony and repetition of the text.
For these schizophrenics, the
rebellion that they caused in their own mind has a voice (this
rebellion, typically, is a consequence of actions in their
 Although it appears that
schizophrenics tormented by accusing voices are, in at least the
typical case, suffering karmic consequences, one should not
conclude that every serious mental malady is karmic.
As a specific example of a non-karmic mental malady, consider
the case of mongoloid idiots (aka Down Syndrome).
Martha Beck tells the story
of her Down-Syndrome child, Adam (Beck, Martha.
Expecting Adam. Times Books,
New York, 1999):
I started dreaming about
dolphins when Adam was about two, right after his younger
sister was born. It was always the same dream. It began with
me standing on the shore of a glassy-clam sea, watching the
sun rise. Then suddenly (and no matter how many times I
dreamt it, this always startled me), a dolphin broke the
surface of the water in front of me, throwing itself
Drops of water scattered from
its fins and flanks like a shower of diamonds in the
slanting light. The dolphin seemed to hang in the air for a
moment, then arced downward and disappeared into the sea
Then I would always look up again, out at the sea, and
notice that Adam was in the water as well. He would be
playing with the dolphin, his bright blond head shining like
flax just above the waves. I could hear the two of them
talking to each other, a strange, squealing, clicking
chatter that meant nothing to me.
This [dream] went on for a couple of years. Every time it
happened, I’d spend hours trying to figure out what it
meant. … In the end, I always came back to the same
conclusion: the dolphins in my dream represented… dolphins…
One day, when Adam was four, a neighbor of ours dropped by
for a visit.
When she saw Adam, she said,
“I just read the most
interesting article about a little boy with Down
syndrome. After he was born, his mother started dreaming
about dolphins. Couldn’t get them off her mind.”
[Ibid., pp. 319–320]
This connection between
Down-Syndrome children and
dolphins is apparently real, and is not limited to Martha Beck’s
experience. The explanation for Down Syndrome, given both the
apparent evidence and the computing-element reality model, is
that a Down-Syndrome child, in at least the typical case, was a
dolphin in his previous incarnation.
(Note that this explanation
implicitly rejects the explanation that Down Syndrome is caused
by trisomy 21. Although trisomy 21 strongly correlates with Down
Syndrome, correlation by itself is not causation. Instead of
being the cause, trisomy 21 can be just one of the effects of a
different cause, as is suggested here.)
The reason such a child has the kind of mental retardation
characteristic of Down Syndrome, is because the jump from being
a dolphin to being a normal human in one incarnation is too big
a jump to make. In effect, there is too much that is different
in terms of all the learned programs involved and the
integration that needs to be done to produce a normal child.
The part of the dolphin that
incarnates is not able to do everything needed to produce a
normal child. The end result is the characteristics of Down
Syndrome. Thus, the transition from being a dolphin to being a
normal human takes more than a single incarnation.
However, considering how much is
accomplished in that first incarnation, my guess is that by the
second incarnation that new human is either normal or nearly
JohMann Website - 2006 (11th ed.)
My sister’s son (born 1980) has Tourette Syndrome. In
December 2001, knowing of my interest in his condition, he sent me
an email in which he gives,
“a general synopsis that I wrote
that covers some of the subtleties about TS that I will use when
it is necessary to educate those around me”:
What is Tourette Syndrome?
Tourette Syndrome (TS)
is a nervous system disorder characterized by involuntary, rapid,
sudden movements or vocalizations called tics that occur repeatedly
in the same way. TS is not degenerative in any way; it is not a sign
of mental illness; it is not caused by poor parenting or abuse of
TS usually begins in childhood and often
continues throughout life; it is found across all ethnic backgrounds
and at all socioeconomic levels; although socially awkward its
expression is largely cosmetic.
The expression of tics is
unlimited and is unique to each person. The complexity of some tics
sometimes makes it hard for others to believe the strange actions
and inappropriate vocal utterances are not deliberate.
facial grimaces, eye blinking
touching other people or objects
copraxia (obscene gestures)
coprolalia (obscene language)
echolalia (repeating a sound or
word just heard)
mimicking someone’s mannerisms
Tics occur many times a day usually in
bouts waxing and waning in their severity and periodically changing
in frequency, type and location.
Complex verbal tics are often triggered by a completely unrelated
thought and do not represent what the person is thinking about. Tics
are suggestible. Merely the mention or sight of a specific tic may
induce it. Repressing tics is difficult and only increases the
tension making the tics come out worse later.
Most of the time in situations where it would be socially
inappropriate for certain tics the person with TS will not have any
tics or ones that are not disturbing, but as soon as they move to a
less restricted environment they will often experience a major tic
When someone is told to stop ticking or if they are in a place where
they know they can’t tic they will sometimes feel the compulsion
even more strongly.
Stress, positive or negative emotional excitement, fatigue, Central
Nervous System stimulants, unpleasant memories or lack of
understanding from others can all significantly increase tics.
Being in a stimulating or new environment, involved in conversation,
meeting new people, concentrating on a task, relaxation, and
acceptance by others can all significantly decrease tics.
What I Ask of You
Now that I understand what TS
is, I accept it and it’s not a big deal to me.
Most of the time I will be fine, but
sometimes it can be overwhelming so when I do tic please ignore them
as they are harmless. However if I offend you or you can’t handle
seeing me this way then talk directly to me about it and I will try
to accommodate you by redirecting the tic into something less
threatening to your sensibilities, but note that I will not
ostracize myself because of this. If you have any other concerns or
questions please ask me.
His above synopsis is drawn from his study of the TS literature, and
from his own experience with TS. During a two-week visit by my
nephew in July 2001, I had the chance to observe his TS
characteristics: he has both movement tics and vocal tics, including
both copraxia and coprolalia. Near the end of his
visit I developed an explanation for Tourette Syndrome that I
believe is correct:
Briefly, my explanation for Tourette Syndrome is that for a person
with TS, a part of the mind that for an average person of that
nation and gender outputs to n input channels of the
awareness particle (the soliton), has instead substantially fewer
input channels of the awareness particle to which it can output,
because those input channels, at some stage during that person’s
previous development, were, in effect, allocated to one or more
other mind parts.
Then, over time, that mind part that is
missing its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels,
compensates, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs
elsewhere, ultimately resulting in the tics of TS.,
In terms of tics, TS cases range from mild to severe. For example, a
person who just does a lot of eye blinking or throat clearing would
be a mild case; my nephew, with his copraxia and
coprolalia, is a severe case. As far as what determines TS
severity, the primary determinant is probably the mind part involved
and the extent to which that mind part has lost its normal
allocation of awareness-particle input channels: the fewer the
number of lost channels, the more mild the TS; the greater the
number of lost channels, the more severe the TS.
In theory, the mind part that suffered the loss may be different in
different TS cases. However, in at least many TS cases, and, I
believe, in the case of my nephew, the specific mind part that
suffered the loss is that mind part - here called the sexual mind
part - that is heavily involved in sexual feeling, desire, and
attraction. The primary reason to believe this is because TS tics,
in a typical severe case, often have a strong sexual content.
In addition, another reason is the
similarity between the strong insistence of TS tics and the strong
insistence of sexual desire.
One may assume that each soliton has the same total number of input
channels, and that each input channel is identical in terms of its
data-carrying characteristics. Given the central governing role that
the soliton plays vis-a-vis the other intelligent particles that
collectively form the mind, it stands to reason that a soliton’s
input and output channels are not wasted: they are all utilized.
Thus, if some mind part does not have
its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, then
those awareness-particle input channels have been allocated
elsewhere. Regarding Tourette Syndrome, it is interesting to
note that the TS group as a whole has a reputation for being
For example, there are many statements
like the following on the internet:
Many of my patients with Tourette
syndrome are of above average intelligence, frequently
…most people with TS appear to have above average intelligence.
Many people believe there is a link between intelligence,
creativity, and Tourette syndrome. Certainly in my experience,
children with Tourette’s are often quite intelligent …
Given that general intelligence seems to
be inherited from the mother, I expected my nephew to have an
intelligence similar to my own, since we are both on the same female
tree (his mother’s mother is also my mother).
However, what I have noticed about my
nephew is that in some intellectual areas we are about the same, but
in other intellectual areas he either clearly exceeds me (example:
writing ability) or far exceeds me (example: mathematical ability).
Thus, regarding my nephew, he fits the pattern of having TS and
being intelligent; in his case, very intelligent.
Given the association of Tourette Syndrome with intelligence,
it seems safe to assume that for a typical person with TS, the mind
parts that, in effect, account for intelligence, have received more
than their normal share of awareness-particle input channels.
Thus, in effect, the loss of the sexual
mind part has been the gain of the intellectual mind parts. In
general, the greater the loss for the sexual mind part, the greater
the enhancement of intelligence. The extent of the loss for the
sexual mind part, and its consequent effects, varies from one TS
person to the next. In the case of my nephew, his loss appears to
have been sufficiently great enough to cause, among other things, a
complete absence of orgasm.
Here is a dictionary definition of
The climax of sexual excitement,
marked normally by ejaculation of semen by the male and by the
release of tumescence in erectile organs of both sexes.
This dictionary definition describes the
physical events that coincide with the orgasm experience, which for
a male is the ejaculation of semen.
Its description of the orgasm feeling is
limited to a statement about the feeling’s relative strength and its
placement on the pleasure-pain scale (climax of sexual excitement:
presumably the most pleasurable). In general, describing a feeling
is limited to stating such things as the feeling’s strength or
intensity; its duration; its placement on a scale that ranges from
pleasure to pain; its comparison to other feelings.
As a rule, reading a written description
of a feeling does not cause one to experience that feeling, because
the data sent to the awareness particle for reading comprehension is
different than the data sent to the awareness particle for causing
that feeling. Likewise, the act of remembering a feeling does not
cause one to experience that feeling, because the data sent to the
awareness particle for remembering is different than the data sent
to the awareness particle for causing that feeling.
Drawing on my own experience with male orgasm: it came in waves,
with each wave coinciding with each ejaculation of semen; it was a
feeling that was strong but not overwhelmingly so, at least for me;
it definitely felt good; nothing else in my life has felt like an
orgasm. Note that for a typical male in his physical
prime (younger than middle-aged), from the first ejaculation to the
last, typically less than ten seconds elapse, so the accumulated
duration of the orgasm feeling is even less than this.
In November 2000, my nephew, during a phone call, surprised me by
asking about my orgasm experience. As I then learned, he has never
had an orgasm during ejaculation (nor at any other time), and he was
asking me about my own experience, because he was trying to find out
if he had inherited his no-orgasm condition from his relatives. His
no-orgasm condition is a rarity for young males.
However, the loss of orgasm by older
males is more common, as I was to find out for myself, a mere six
months later, in May 2001: at age 45½, over a period of about a
month, my orgasm experience, being noticeably weaker each successive
time, faded away to nothing; and yet, everything else, including the
ejaculation, was the same - it was just the orgasm feeling itself
that had disappeared.
My orgasm loss, I assume, was a consequence of my advancing age. The
male-orgasm experience is obviously a reward, whose ultimate purpose
is the production of children. As a male ages, his value as a
potential new father declines for many reasons. Thus, the withdrawal
of the orgasm reward is understandable.
At the time of my orgasm loss, I was not expecting something
positive to result in consequence; but that is what happened. About
three months later, in August 2001, while replaying a computer game,
I noticed that the game seemed much easier for me (beyond what I had
experienced before when replaying computer games).
Then I replayed two other computer
games, and, among other things, I noticed that I was playing in a
way that I had never played before with any such game: I was
actually planning my movements, and, for the first time, I was able
to shoot accurately while moving; I also found myself thinking about
movement strategies at other times of the day when I was not
Overall, I was much more focused on, and
interested in, how I moved during combat encounters, than I had been
in the past. My combat strategy in the past consisted of little more
than trying to find the best spot to be in at the beginning of the
encounter, and then just standing still, firing the best weapon I
had at the targets; complex movement sequences during combat were
simply beyond me: I did not think about them, and I did not make
Regarding my past game play, I have
known about my weak game play since the early 1980s, based on my
experience with coin-operated video games. In recent years, playing
3D first-person-shooter games on my computer, I would choose the
easiest game-difficulty settings out of necessity, and I would also
use cheats as needed, such as god-mode (invulnerability), to get
thru game sections that I could not otherwise get thru. Now,
however, with my newfound movement abilities, I play typical shooter
games on normal difficulty, and I get thru them without cheats, so I
appear to now be about average, compared to other males who play
these computer games.
Regarding my loss of orgasm, the following explanation seems
likely: My sexual mind part had a substantial number of
awareness-particle input channels that were dedicated to carrying
the data that causes the orgasm feeling. With my
advancing age, my sexual mind part gave up these input channels,
which were then acquired by a different mind part that up until that
time had a below-normal allocation of awareness-particle input
channels (as demonstrated by my weak game play compared to other
Regarding how my orgasm faded away over a period of about a month,
being progressively weaker each time, the following explanation
seems likely: The strength of the orgasm feeling - and of feelings
in general - is proportional to the number of awareness-particle
input channels carrying the data that causes that feeling.,
My progressively weaker orgasm was
caused by having progressively fewer awareness-particle input
channels carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling.
Overall, the allocation of the awareness-particle input channels
among the different mind parts is a major determinant in how one
differs from other people. Thus, for example, differences in
intelligence between two persons, in the typical case, is primarily
due to different allocations of the awareness-particle input
Also, how the awareness-particle input
channels are allocated among the different mind parts is a major
determinant in how the two genders, men and women, differ from each
other; and how the three races of mankind differ from each other;
and how the various nations of mankind differ from each other.,,,
For example, the average woman has a
weaker orgasm experience than the average man. Thus, the allocation
plan for the average woman allocates fewer awareness-particle input
channels to orgasm, than does the allocation plan for the average
 Based on the size of our
visual field, and assuming each pixel in our visual field uses
one awareness-particle input channel, the total number of input
channels that the awareness particle has is in the millions.
Thus, the value of n could easily be in the thousands.
 That a mind part can
establish new connections for its outputs and/or inputs when its
normal connections are lost is demonstrated by the fact that
many people who suffer serious brain damage - as a consequence
of such things as head wounds, strokes, and brain tumors - and
initially lose one or more of their mental abilities, are able
to regain some or all of their lost mental abilities in the
following months or years as the affected mind parts learn to
make use of different neural pathways to carry the affected
input and/or output data.
That a mind part can establish new connections when its normal
connections are lost is also demonstrated by the phenomenon of
phantom limbs. Developing a phantom limb is a typical result for
someone who has had a limb amputated. In the case of a limb
amputation, there is no brain damage. Instead, because of the
amputation, the normal neural pathways that used to carry the
signals from that limb have fallen silent. The affected mind
part then compensates - regaining sensory input for that limb -
by remapping the lost limb onto an adjoining area of primary
motor cortex, and interpreting the sensory input from that
adjoining cortex area as sensory input from the amputated limb.
… touching the stump of an
amputated arm often causes two sensations: one is the normal
sensation you expect from touching skin; the second is … a
feeling that the phantom hand is also being touched.
[Hoffman, op. cit., p. 173]
V.Q. was seventeen when his left
arm was amputated six centimeters above the elbow. Four weeks
later he was tested by Ramachandran and colleagues, who found a
systematic map of his phantom hand on his left arm, about seven
centimeters above the stump.
They also found a map of the
phantom hand on his face, on the lower left side … [Ibid., p.
175. Hoffman also describes another amputee with a similar
amputation, who likewise had a map for his phantom hand on both
his face and on his arm above the stump. And, as Hoffman notes,
the cortex area for the hand, adjoins the cortex area for the
rest of that arm, and also adjoins on the opposite side the
cortex area for the face.]
 This explanation for
Tourette Syndrome - that a mind part that is missing its normal
allocation of awareness-particle input channels, compensates,
proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere -
offers a similar explanation for the condition known as tardive
dyskinesia. Here is a brief description of tardive dyskinesia:
Tardive dyskinesia is a neurological syndrome caused by the
long-term use of neuroleptic drugs. Neuroleptic drugs are
generally prescribed for psychiatric disorders, as well as for
some gastrointestinal and neurological disorders. Tardive
dyskinesia is characterized by repetitive, involuntary,
purposeless movements. Features of the disorder may include
grimacing, tongue protrusion, lip smacking, puckering and
pursing, and rapid eye blinking. Rapid movements of the arms,
legs, and trunk may also occur. Impaired movements of the
fingers may appear as though the patient is playing an invisible
guitar or piano.
There is no standard treatment for tardive dyskinesia. Treatment
is highly individualized. The first step is generally to stop or
minimize the use of the neuroleptic drug…
Symptoms of tardive dyskinesia may remain long after
discontinuation of neuroleptic drugs; however, with careful
management, some symptoms may improve and/or disappear with
time. [Tardive Dyskinesia Information Page, National Institute
of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, at: http://www.ninds.nih.gov/health_and_medical/disorders/tardive_doc.htm]
Neuroleptic drugs interfere with normal brain chemistry and can
block neuron signal transmission in one or more brain areas. If
some mind part has the neural pathways that it normally uses for
its outputs blocked for a long time, then that mind part is
going to try to compensate, proportionate to its loss, by
sending its outputs elsewhere, which may ultimately result in
the movement tics of tardive dyskinesia.
 For example, a man with
severe TS, commenting about his spoken vocal tics, asks: “Why is
it always sexual?” (from the one-hour TV program Tourette’s
Syndrome: Uncensored, BBC, 2000).
In the case of my nephew, his spoken vocal tics were often
sexual in content, but not exclusively so. One way to explain
this is that he may have besides the sexual mind part reacting
to channel loss, an additional non-sexual mind part also
reacting to channel loss. In other words, some TS cases may be
caused by multiple mind parts that have each suffered
substantial channel loss.
Alternatively, a different way to
explain the variety in my nephew’s spoken vocal tics is to
suggest that the sexual mind part - which cannot by itself
understand what a given spoken phrase means (language
understanding is accomplished by a different mind part) -
selects the verbal phrases it will output based on data from
other mind parts; and this selection criteria - whatever it is -
sometimes results in non-sexual phrases being selected, because
they have the same signature as sexual phrases.
 For example, as my nephew
says in his TS synopsis:
Tics are suggestible. Merely
the mention or sight of a specific tic may induce it.
Repressing tics is difficult
and only increases the tension making the tics come out
Most of the time in situations
where it would be socially inappropriate for certain tics
the person with TS will not have any tics or ones that are
not disturbing, but as soon as they move to a less
restricted environment they will often experience a major
When someone is told to stop
ticcing or if they are in a place where they know they can’t
tic they will sometimes feel the compulsion even more
To make the similarity to sexual
desire clear, here is my rewritten version of his points (I am
assuming a typical young man):
Sexual desire is suggestible.
Merely the mention or sight of an attractive woman may
Repressing sexual desire is
difficult and only increases the tension making it come out
Most of the time in situations
where it would be socially inappropriate for overt sexual
actions, the person will not do anything overt, but as soon
as they move to a less restricted environment they will
often have a major sex-satisfaction bout.
When someone is told to
suppress sexual desire, or if they are in a place where they
know they are not supposed to have sexual desire, they will
sometimes feel the compulsion even more strongly.
 Webster’s II New Riverside
University Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1984.
 Unfortunately for me, I was
circumcised as an infant, as were roughly 70% of the other
American males born in 1955. This book is not about America nor
about circumcision (on these two subjects see my other writings,
such as my essays American Culture and The Psychological Harm of
However, I am mentioning this fact
about my being circumcised because my study of the circumcision
subject has made me aware of the fact that circumcision - in
addition to its many other negative sexual effects - tends to
suppress and lessen the orgasm experience.
For example, the results of a poll
titled Cut vs. Intact vs. Restored/Restoring, created in
December 2002 by razniq, shows the harm that circumcision does
to the orgasm experience (the poll is at http://www.misterpoll.com/poll.mpl?id=803956922;
the poll results are at http://www.misterpoll.com/results.mpl?id=803956922;
the bracketed [notes] are mine, added for clarity):
Describe what you feel when you come [orgasm].
I’m cut [circumcised] and I
feel barely anything. (6%)
I’m cut [circumcised] and I
feel something in my ‘equipment’ [genitals] only. (13%)
I’m cut [circumcised] and I
feel it in my whole body. (24%)
I’m intact [natural; not
circumcised] and I feel barely anything. (0%)
I’m intact [natural; not
circumcised] and I feel something in my ‘equipment’
[genitals] only. (1%)
I’m intact [natural; not
circumcised] and I feel it in my whole body. (21%)
I am restoring/restored and
what I feel has improved. (24%)
I am restoring/restored and
there is no change in what I feel. (2%)
I am restoring/restored and
what I feel has decreased. (0%)
I am a USA female. (2%)
I am a non-USA female. (2%)
353 total votes
[For each person taking the poll, choosing from the above eleven
choices, the poll allows only a single answer. But note that the
total of the above percentages adds up to 95% instead of 100%,
presumably because the poll results are rounded down to the
[Note that I saw a post by razniq in an anti-circumcision forum
that I like to read, telling about his poll; I assume the high
percentage for “restoring/restored” (totals 26%) is a direct
consequence of the places where razing advertised his poll,
because men who have done foreskin restoration tend to
congregate in foreskin-restoration and anti-circumcision
The above poll results make clear the negative effect that
circumcision has on the orgasm experience. As the poll results
show, circumcision can steal from its victim the experience of a
full-body orgasm. Additional evidence for this conclusion is the
fact that some men who have restored their foreskins (only a
partial restoration is possible) report making the transition
from a localized orgasm to a full-body orgasm.
For example, a
foreskin-restoration forum post by zac0212, dated April 15,
I would describe my
circumcision as loose with a partial frenulum (damaged
during circ). I have been restoring for a little over a
month. Before restoring my orgasms were very localized. In
the short time that I have been restoring, my orgasms have
changed significantly. My inner foreskin remnant and
frenulum have become much more sensitive. I am amazed at how
much more I can experience during sex, and my orgasms take
over my whole body. Amazing!
As for myself, exactly what is
meant by a full-body orgasm I do not know, because I never had
one; I only had the localized kind. Thus, my orgasm description
is that of a circumcised man who has never had a full-body
 Having dedicated channels to
carry the data for a specific feeling means that there are no
channel-sharing conflicts and no need for arbitration, which
would otherwise be the case if a given channel were used to
carry other data besides the data that produces that feeling.
In the case of orgasm, those channels allocated to carry the
orgasm-producing data will be unused most of the time. If one
were to assume that all awareness-particle input channels are
more or less dedicated, then the channels allocated to carry the
orgasm-producing data are probably among the least used
channels. As an example of high utilization, consider the
channels dedicated to vision.
 The reason that the strength
of a feeling would be proportional to the number of
awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes
that feeling, is because this is a simple and reliable
arbitration method for the awareness particle: in effect, the
strength of a feeling is proportional to the number of votes for
that feeling, with each input channel counting as one vote. The
alternative, having the strength of a feeling encoded as part of
the input data for that feeling, would be dangerous, as it would
mean that a single input channel would have the capability to
deliver a very strong feeling.
 Note that the orgasm feeling
differs from most other feelings in that the orgasm feeling -
based on my own experience before my loss, and based on how
others describe it - has much less variation in its perceived
intensity range. Each orgasm feels the same as the previous
orgasm. Given this sameness, this means that when the orgasm
feeling is sent to the awareness, of those awareness-particle
input channels allocated (dedicated) for carrying the data that
causes the orgasm feeling, the same or nearly the same fraction
of those allocated awareness-particle input channels are
utilized for carrying the orgasm-producing data to the
awareness. Assuming the orgasm feeling is not suppressed by some
external cause such as circumcision, the typical orgasm feeling
probably utilizes all or nearly all of the total allocation for
carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling.
For most other feelings, including emotional feelings and also
the feeling of physical pain, the mind part that sends that
feeling to the awareness typically utilizes only a fraction of
the total allocation for carrying the data that causes that
feeling, with the size of that fraction depending on the wanted
intensity of that feeling.
 Given that general
intelligence seems to be inherited from the mother, it follows
that this inheritance, at least in part, is in the form of an
allocation plan, that allocates the awareness-particle input
channels to the intellectual mind parts.
 This explanation for human
mental differences, that they result primarily from differences
in how the awareness-particle input channels have been
allocated, means that humanity as a whole can share the same
underlying programming of the mind parts. This greatly lessens
the burden placed on the learned-program mechanism and its
associated sharing mechanism (section 3.6), because there is no
need to suggest that there are many substantially different
versions of human mental programming, and likewise there is no
need to suggest that human mental differences result from
localized evolution of an individual’s mental programming over a
short time frame.
One implication of this explanation for human mental differences
is that the limiting factor for consciously expressed
intelligence is the limited number of awareness-particle input
channels, which is insufficient to fully connect all the various
mind parts so that each mind part is connected to its maximum
potential, assuming that a mind part’s maximum potential is
represented by the extent to which the most capable people have
the mental abilities associated with that mind part.
Thus, if there were no limit on
the number of awareness-particle input channels, each person
could have the math ability of a great mathematician such as
Newton, the writing ability of a great writer such as Dickens,
the inventiveness of a great inventor such as Edison, the
graphic-arts ability of a great artist such as Michelangelo, and
so on (note: feel free to replace the names of Newton, Dickens,
Edison, and Michelangelo with the names of those you recognize
or revere as the most capable in those areas).
 The explanation that we all
share the same underlying mental programming but the limiting
factor for its conscious expression is the limited number of
awareness-particle input channels, explains the commonly
observed truism that excelling (compared to the average) in one
or more ways is accompanied by deficits (compared to the
average) elsewhere. For example, when I was a teenager in
high-school, it was a commonplace truism that the jocks
(athletes) were stupid, and the smart kids were unathletic.
Well, it was true about myself and
most of my friends (smart and unathletic), but there was an
exception in that one of my friends was smart and also very
athletic, which only means that his deficits were elsewhere. In
effect, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels is
what is known as a zero-sum game, where the gain of one player
is a loss by the same amount for the other players. The players
are the various mental programs (mind parts) that have outputs
intended for connection to the awareness particle. Each of these
mental programs is a potential recipient of an allocation of
awareness-particle input channels, and this allocation defines
the extent to which the mental program can connect its
awareness-intended outputs to the awareness particle.
There are many players in this allocation game (I estimate more
than 50 players), and the number of channels to be allocated is
large (at least several million), so there is a very large
number of different allocation plans for humanity that are
sufficiently different enough from each other that an outside
observer would be able to see differences between people having
these different allocation plans.
About the truism that excelling in one or more ways is
accompanied by deficits elsewhere, I have long been aware of
many of my own various deficits (compared to the average). My
sensory and motor deficits include: a weak sense of smell; a
below-average sense of taste; low athletic ability. My
intellectual deficits include: no artistic ability and a
below-average memory for many of the things that the average
person remembers, such as remembering details of one’s own life;
I also have a poor sense of direction. My emotional deficits, as
far as I know, are somewhat typical for a man (men on average
have a more limited range of emotions than women).
For most people, their allocation plan, regarding how it
allocates to the various intellectual abilities, spreads the
wealth, so to speak, and is not so one-sided that one
intellectual ability is far above average while most of the
other intellectual abilities are far below average, which
appears to be the case for those persons known as idiot savants.
Psychologist David Gershaw gives an overview regarding idiot
Leslie Lemke - born mentally retarded, blind, and suffering from
cerebral palsy - sat down at the piano for the first time and
played an almost perfect rendition of Tchaikovsky’s First Piano
Bob, now in his sixties is a “calendar calculator” - he can name
the day of the week for any given date since 1947. He gives most
of his answers in less than 8 seconds! Yet Bob is mentally
retarded. He lives in a foster home, because he cannot even
manage simple daily living skills.
Although these people would perform below normal on any
conventional measure of intelligence, they have fantastic
abilities in very limited areas. In the past, psychologists have
referred to such people as idiot savants - a term that literally
means “learned idiots.”
However, this term is not really correct. First, although they
are mentally retarded, they are not idiots - those at the lowest
level of intelligence. Also they are not savants - people with
great knowledge. Their amazing talents - most often in the areas
of music, art, mathematics, calendar calculation or memory for
obscure facts - are in sharp contrast to their low levels of
general functioning. Psychologists estimate that less than one
percent of mentally retarded people have some sort of “savant”
In addition, an estimated 10% of autistic people have these
“savant” abilities. Autism is a disorder that affects
communication, learning and emotions - and sometimes includes
mental retardation. Autistic people shun human relationships but
may become completely absorbed with mechanical objects. [Gershaw,
David. Islands of Genius, 1988. At: http://www.members.cox.net/dagershaw/lol/GeniusIsland.html]
In the case of idiot savants, besides having a severely
unbalanced and one-sided allocation, it may also be the case
that the total number of awareness-particle input channels that
are allocated to the various intellectual abilities is
substantially below average. In the case of a mentally retarded
person who has no savant ability, his allocation plan is more
balanced, but for whatever reason his allocation plan simply
allocates too few awareness-particle input channels to the
various intellectual abilities.
Autism, mentioned in the above quote, is another condition that
is understandable in terms of being the result of an allocation
plan that allocates a substantially below-average number of
awareness-particle input channels to those mental programs
involved in providing what the condition is deficient in.
According to the Autism Society of America:
Autism is a complex developmental disability that typically
appears during the first three years of life. … Children and
adults with autism typically have difficulties in verbal and
non-verbal communication, social interactions, and leisure or
The overall incidence of autism is consistent around the globe,
but is four times more prevalent in boys than girls. Autism
knows no racial, ethnic, or social boundaries, and family
income, lifestyle, and educational levels do not affect the
chance of autism’s occurrence. [What is Autism?. At: http://www.autism-society.org/site/PageServer?pagename=whatisautism]
About the much greater incidence of autism in males, there is a
simple explanation: Women are known to be on average much more
social and communicative than men. Thus, the allocation plan for
the average female allocates many more awareness-particle input
channels to those mental programs involved in socializing and
communicating, than does the allocation plan for the average
Thus, more males than females will
have autism. More specifically, if one were to see the
distribution curve (it is probably a bell curve) plotting for
the entire female population the distribution of the number of
awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental
programs involved in socializing and communicating, and compare
this distribution curve with the same distribution curve for the
entire male population, then, given that autism is “four times
more prevalent in boys than girls,” this mean that the area
under the male distribution curve between point 0 (no
awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental
programs involved in socializing and communicating) and point x
(the maximum allocation - to the mental programs involved in
socializing and communicating - that is still likely to result
in a diagnosis of autism; likely means at least 50% probability)
is four times the area under the female distribution curve
between those same two points (0 and x).
 In section 10.2 it was
mentioned that the Caretakers apparently have the same two
genders as mankind. Given this current section, one can outline
the evolutionary process that would over time result in the
Caretakers having two genders. This same evolutionary process
also explains the two human genders (supplementing and in
addition to the organic reason involving sexual reproduction):
Assume that at some point in their evolutionary development the
Caretakers reached the same situation that currently applies to
mankind, in which the limiting factor for their consciously
expressed self (including their senses, feelings and emotions,
personality, and intelligence) is the limited number of
awareness-particle input channels, which is insufficient to
fully connect all the various mind parts so that each mind part
is connected to its maximum potential.
In this situation, each newly
formed Caretaker - assuming they undergo a rebirth process,
albeit without a physical body - is faced with a winner-take-all
choice, because, as a rule, the allocation of awareness-particle
input channels, once done, does not change, except for certain
age-related changes such as the age-related orgasm loss in my
own case, and the other changes that happen at different stages
in one’s growth to adulthood and one’s decline into old age (see
the discussion in the next section about how the allocation plan
changes for humans at different stages in their development as
they grow and age).
As sociologists have already noted, it is known in human society
that a winner-take-all election scheme eventually results in
only two major political parties that capture most of the votes.
Similarly, one may assume that the evolving Caretaker society
would eventually have only two major allocation plans for
allocating the awareness-particle input channels - resulting in
their two genders, which are apparently similar to our own two
Each newly formed Caretaker, in
effect, typically chooses one of these two major allocation
plans (presumably this choice is made unconsciously), and then
makes adjustments to that allocation plan as wanted and/or
needed according to whatever influences are involved (presumably
these adjustments are also made unconsciously).
 Of these three subdivisions
of mankind - gender, race, and nation - nation is the smallest
subdivision. In effect, each nation has two different allocation
plans that each allocate the awareness-particle input channels.
One of these allocation plans defines what an average man of
that nation is like (in terms of mental qualities), and the
other allocation plan defines what an average woman of that
nation is like (in terms of mental qualities).
 Given the gender basis of
the three races (section 9.2), one may infer that the african
race has the strongest orgasm, the oriental race has the weakest
orgasm, and the caucasian race is inbetween.
Allocation Changes during Growth and Aging
JohMann Website - 2006 (11th ed.)
Regarding how the awareness-particle input channels are allocated
among the various mind parts, different changes happen at different
times in one’s life, with most or all of the substantial changes
(changes that are noticeable) happening during growth and aging.
The in-between period, between the
allocation changes that happen during growth and aging, begins
sometime after puberty and extends until one reaches the first
substantial allocation changes that happen during middle age.
Puberty - defined as the period during which one becomes capable of
sexual reproduction - has both physical changes and allocation
changes. The allocation changes include giving the sexual mind part
a substantial share of the awareness-particle input channels. Among
the allocations to the sexual mind part are allocations for carrying
the feelings of sexual desire and attraction, and also allocations
for feeling sexual pleasure, including an allocation for the orgasm
Prior to puberty, children have much fewer awareness-particle input
channels allocated to the sexual mind part. However, given that
there are many statements by mothers remarking how their infants and
young children like to play with their genitals, this suggests that
prior to puberty at least some awareness-particle input channels
have already been allocated for carrying feelings of sexual
Some of the other parts of the sexual
mind part may also have non-zero allocations prior to puberty,
although these allocations are much smaller than what is allocated
at the time of puberty.
Puberty is when the single largest increase in allocations to the
sexual mind part happens, but there may be additional allocation
increases that happen in the years immediately after puberty, since
it seems typical for sexual desire and attraction to grow and
blossom in the immediately following years. However, regardless, any
additional allocation increases to the sexual mind part are probably
completed well before the sexual peak is reached, which for average
caucasian males is said to be roughly age 19 (puberty for them
happens at roughly age 12).
As was explained in section 10.6, the allocation of
awareness-particle input channels is a zero-sum game. What is
allocated to one mind part must be taken from one or more other mind
parts. This means that the allocation increases for the sexual mind
part are offset by allocation decreases in one or more other mind
A likely candidate for the source of a
substantial fraction of the awareness-particle input channels that
are shifted to the sexual mind part is the mind part involved in
learning new spoken languages.
Very young children easily learn whatever spoken languages they are
exposed to, and this implies a substantial allocation of
awareness-particle input channels to the mind part involved in
learning new spoken languages. For the average person, this ability
to learn a new spoken language is substantially less after puberty,
and continues to decline in the following years. By adulthood, this
ability to learn a new spoken language is mostly gone.
There are certainly more allocation changes that happen as one grows
from an infant to an adult, at different points along the way,
involving various mind parts, but the two allocation changes
described above - allocation increases for the sexual mind part, and
allocation decreases for the mind part involved in learning new
spoken languages - are easy to see and understand, and they happen
to most people.
During the growth period from an infant to an adult, there are
physical changes, allocation changes, and other changes that are
neither physical changes nor allocation changes (for example, the
higher average rate at which data is fed to the soliton when one is
a child - mentioned in section 7.3 - is neither a physical change
nor an allocation change).
Similarly, during the aging period from
middle age till death from old age, there are physical changes,
allocation changes, and other changes that are neither physical
changes nor allocation changes.
In 2001 (at age 45) I wrote about my own entry into middle age as
With middle age comes changes: both
the mind and the body decline in various ways. I entered middle
age about a month after my 41st birthday, undergoing the various
bodily changes - such as a decrease in how much the bladder can
empty - that are described in the medical literature.
Also, in my first month of middle age,
my former ability to do mental work about 70 hours per week - in my
case, programming work - rapidly declined to about 40 hours per week
(after I had experienced this mental-work decline, which has
remained unchanged since then, I understood where the 40-hour
work-week came from).
Although for the most part the big middle-age changes that I
experienced happened to me in that first month of middle age, there
have been a few lesser changes that have happened in the last few
One thing I remember telling people the first year or two after my
entry into middle age, is that during my 20s I had an excess of
physical energy; during my 30s the excess energy was gone but
nothing was missing (there were no deficits, and everything still
worked the same); but upon my entry into middle age, that was my
first big experience with the negative effects of aging.
I had substantially less physical
energy, and I had specific physical deficits in the sense that
certain specific body functions were no longer working as well or
effortlessly as they used to.,
Roughly one and a half years after my
entry into middle age, at about age 42½, I suddenly lost my interest
in listening to music and watching movies. At the time of that loss,
there were no physical changes, illnesses, dietary changes, or other
changes happening in my life. Thus, my previous interest in
listening to music and watching movies simply disappeared with no
apparent cause, other than that I was getting older. This loss of
interest has remained with me unchanged for the last seven years (I
am writing this at about age 49½).
My current thinking about that loss is that it was probably due to
an allocation change. More specifically, before my loss I probably
had an allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying
a pleasure feeling whose intensity was based on whatever criteria
the relevant mind part was using to judge how good a piece of music
was. Thus, I listened to music I liked because I was getting
pleasure from listening to that music.
But once that allocation was gone, so
was the pleasure, and my reason for listening to music.,
The simultaneous loss of my prior
interest in watching movies - more specifically, I had a
decades-long habit of going at least once a month to a movie theatre
to watch a movie - was probably also due to my loss of interest in
music, since the movies I watched typically had a lot of music in
them, and those movie theatres all had good sound systems.
At about age 45½ my orgasm disappeared, with noticeable reallocation
effects afterwards, as described in section 10.6. At about age 48½
(around late March/early April 2004), I underwent another big
Knowing that I would probably want to
write about it in the next edition of this book, I wrote the
following account on August 16, 2004 (edited for improved
readability and clarity):
I finally came to the conclusion
that the smells in the kitchen refrigerator and elsewhere in the
house, starting roughly two months ago, is because my sense of
smell has improved compared to my previous sense of smell.
Note that around late March/early April I knew I was changing in
some negative ways, because it seemed that my sexual interest
had dropped down greatly compared to my previous level of sexual
interest (this drop did not recover, it is still there now, five
months later). This drop reminds me of the much smaller
sexual-interest drop that coincided with or followed my orgasm
loss at age 45½. So, since my entry into middle age, this is the
second time my sexual-interest level has undergone a significant
noticeable decrease that is permanent.
So, I have now put 2 and 2 together, and I understand that
the improvement in my sense of smell, which became noticeable
roughly two months ago, is a result of a re-allocation of
awareness-particle input channels that were previously
allocated to my sexual mind part. And so, like for the time
between my orgasm loss and noticing game-playing improvement,
roughly three months had elapsed.
So, in both cases the reallocation
process took roughly three months.
Added August 27, 2004:
I also think my ambition drive (trying to be descriptive) is
weaker now (I had already noticed this when I wrote the August
16 comment, but I had no description for it). So, given my
sexual-interest decline and ambition decline that happened back
around early April, I can see how I am heading toward becoming
how old men seem: sexual interest at 0 (like was described in
Plato’s dialog), and a mild manner (ambition and competitiveness
are at 0).
It is now mid-April 2005 as I write
this, and I want to comment on a few things in my above statement.
My sense of smell did indeed improve
greatly compared to what it was previously. Many times last year,
both indoors and outdoors, I was actively walking around,
investigating, smelling different things, and noting smells and
scents that were new to me.
The newness of my improved sense of
smell has since worn off, and I am used to it now. Note that my
statement in section 10.6 - my sensory and motor deficits include:
- was written by me in March 2004 for
the 9th edition of this book. I no longer have a weak sense of
smell, but I did when I wrote that.
I guess my sense of smell is now close
to being average, or at least a lot closer to being average than it
was, since I can now smell the same things that other people smell
and talk about, which was not the case before. Note that I had
learned early in my life that I had a weak sense of smell, because
many times in my life I have been in the company of other people who
were talking about smells, such as food smells, that either I could
not smell at all or could only smell weakly if I got close enough.
About the decline in my ambition: Either coincident with, or shortly
after the late March/early April 2004 changes that happened to me, I
knew I had changed in a big way, but it took time for me to
understand and verbalize to myself how I had changed.
The sexual-interest decline was quickly
apparent and easy to state. But I had also changed in a way that was
not easy for me to see and state. Thus, it was not until roughly
five months after those changes that I was ready to explain that
other big change as being a substantial decline in my ambition.
In terms of allocation changes, middle age includes a
reallocation away from the sexual mind part. There may also be
reallocations away from certain other mind parts, which in my case
included the music-pleasure and ambition mind parts.
More recently, around the beginning of
2005 at age 49, I had a reallocation away from my concentration mind
It is said that one grows wise with age.
When I was young, I just assumed that insofar as this saying is
true, the reason for it is simply accumulated life experience.
Certainly, life experience is an important factor in being wise.
However, given that middle age sees a
reallocation away from the sexual mind part, this means that as men
and women pass thru middle age, they are going to see increased
allocations for one or more other mind parts, some of which may
be mind parts involved with wisdom, including whatever mind parts
are involved with understanding, judgment, and being knowledgeable.
Although the large allocation losses for the sexual mind part during
middle age are easy to see, typically less obvious and easy to see
are where the de-allocated awareness-particle input channels are
Based on my own experience so far, it
seems that re-allocations tend to go where one has the greatest
allocation deficits compared to what an average person of one’s
gender, race, and nation would have in terms of their allocations.
In my own case, it was only because I had some big allocation
deficits compared to the average, and two of these big allocation
deficits were each largely erased in their entirety by a single
reallocation, that I experienced such big and easy-to-see
Thus, after my orgasm loss at age 45½
and the consequent reallocation, I quickly went from being a
long-time very-weak first-person-shooter computer-game player who
had to use the lowest difficulty settings and god-mode cheats to
have any chance of being able to get thru the game, to being a good
player of about average ability who was able to consistently get
thru these games with his newfound skills and abilities, playing at
normal difficulty settings without any cheats.
Similarly, after the large decline in my
ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent
reallocation, I quickly went from having a weak sense of smell to
having a sense of smell that is much closer to average than it was.
But besides these reallocation-caused changes in my game-playing
ability and sense of smell, I also had a few smaller and
less-obvious reallocation-caused changes elsewhere.,
After middle age comes old age, during which there are probably
additional allocation changes for those who live long enough to
experience them. At some point during old age, if not sooner, comes
death and the afterlife.
During the afterlife there are
probably allocation changes on a scale that make the allocation
changes of middle age and old age seem small in comparison.
Specifically, after first the physical body and then the bion body
are abandoned, the previous allocations that were used for carrying
all the body sensations and feelings are probably reallocated
Similarly, the previous allocations that
were used for carrying the sense of taste and the sense of smell are
probably reallocated elsewhere.
So, where do these reallocations go?
Note that out-of-body projectionists
cannot answer this question from their own experience, since by
definition they still have both their physical body and bion body,
even when their awareness is projected away from these two bodies as
during a lucid-dream projection. Thus, no person can say from
experience how greatly his conscious mind is enhanced in the
afterlife, until sometime after his death.
However, when I think of how large the
total allocation must be for carrying to the awareness all the body
sensations and feelings that can be felt simultaneously at many
different points on the body, including carrying the sense of touch
which has a large intensity range, carrying the feeling of bodily
pain which has a very large intensity range, and carrying the
feeling of how the parts of the body are currently positioned
relative to each other even as they move, my own guess is that after
the discard of the bion body, and after the passage of whatever time
is then needed for the consequent reallocations, that, as
experienced by the awareness, there are large increases in the
areas of intelligence, memory recall, visualization, and emotion.,,,,,
 In this section, as a
literary convenience, allocated awareness-particle input
channels are said to carry the perceived end-result of the data
they carry to the awareness, instead of being said to carry the
data that causes that perception in the awareness. Thus, for
example, “carrying the feelings of sexual desire and attraction”
instead of “carrying the data that causes the feelings of sexual
desire and attraction.” Doing this avoids excessive repetition
of such phrases as “the data that causes”.
Also in this section, each instance of the word reallocations
(and likewise for the singular reallocation) has one of two
The word reallocations is
referring to both sides of the allocation ledger: the mind
piece or pieces that had the allocation decrease (loss); and
also the mind piece or pieces that had the consequent
allocation increase (gain). Regarding the number of
awareness-particle input channels involved in this
reallocation, the total allocation increase equals the total
The word reallocations is
referring to only the gain side of the allocation ledger:
the mind piece or pieces that had an allocation increase
(gain). This allocation increase is a consequence of an
earlier allocation decrease (loss) by one or more other mind
The intended meaning for each
instance should be clear from the context or larger context.
Or, if it is not clear, assume whichever meaning is most
reasonable for that context.
 I’m like most people in that
I lost my ability to easily learn a new spoken language as I
grew older (the Spanish courses I had in high-school, and the
four semesters of German I had in college, were both a complete
waste of time as I quickly forgot what I had learned, and I
never could say that rolling-r sound that Spanish has, nor
pronounce German too well; I was already too old).
However, given the explanation
that this loss was due to a reallocation of awareness-particle
input channels elsewhere, away from the mind part involved in
learning new spoken languages, this implies that the unconscious
mind still has the capability to support easy learning of a new
spoken language, since there is no reason to presume any changes
in the underlying programming and algorithms that were involved
when one was young and able to easily learn a new spoken
Presumably, if my awareness-particle input channels were
reallocated so that the mind part involved in learning new
spoken languages had the same allocations it had when I was a
child, then my ability to easily learn a new spoken language
would return. Well, no such allocation changes have happened,
and no such allocation changes are expected, at least not before
my next rebirth.
However, in late 2004 I got an
unexpected personal demonstration that my unconscious mind can
still do what is needed for the easy learning of a new spoken
language, at least for that part of learning a new spoken
language for which I still had an abundant allocation of
awareness-particle input channels, which in my case was simply
my hearing. In anticipation that I would probably want to
discuss this personal experience in the next edition of this
book, I wrote a detailed account of my experience about a week
after it happened (the written account is dated November 16,
2004, which means I wrote it on my 49th birthday). Here it is
(edited for improved readability and clarity):
In early July 2004 I got a broadband internet connection. Soon
afterwards I tried file-sharing for the first time, and I soon
discovered a huge world of Japanese anime that I could download
and watch. I have long been a fan of Japanese anime, but my only
experience with it up until that point had been some series and
movies that I had seen on TV, and they had all been translated
and dubbed into English.
Initially, I just downloaded Japanese anime that had been dubbed
into English, because that is what I was already used to, and
English is the only language I know, but soon I was downloading
and watching fansubbed anime (the original unedited
Japanese-language version, with English subtitles added by anime
fans, hence the word fansubbed).
Watching fansubbed anime was my first exposure to the spoken
form of the Japanese language. Initially, spoken Japanese
sounded musical and beautiful to me, but that impression soon
wore off after watching a few episodes and hearing roughly an
hour total of spoken Japanese. Also, spoken Japanese all ran
together: when a character was speaking, I only heard a
continuous stream of sound with no word breaks; the only
noticeable breaks happened when the speaker briefly stopped
speaking, at what I guess was an occasional phrase or sentence
break (people often pause when speaking, if for no other reason
than to catch their breath so they can resume speaking).
This condition of hearing spoken Japanese as a continuous stream
persisted and I got used to it. But in early November 2004,
after having watched in total what I later estimated to be
somewhere between 30 and 40 hours of fansubbed anime, while in
the middle of watching an episode, I suddenly got quite a
surprise when all of a sudden I went from hearing spoken
Japanese as continuous, to hearing spoken Japanese as having
what I presume were word breaks (at least, that is where my
unconscious mind thought the word breaks were), as if a switch
had suddenly been turned on.
At the time, I recognized the significance and underlying reason
for this event, because just about a week earlier during my
daily web-browsing habit, which includes checking Slashdot, I
had seen How Infants Crack the Speech Code, which referred to
Early Language Acquisition: Cracking The Speech Code, which
Infants learn language with remarkable speed … New data show
that infants use computational strategies to detect the
statistical and prosodic patterns in language input, and that
this leads to the discovery of phonemes and words. …
Each language uses a unique set of about 40 phonemes, and
infants must learn to partition varied speech sounds into these
phonemic categories. …
There is evidence that infants analyse the statistical
distributions of sounds that they hear in ambient language, and
use this information to form phonemic categories. They also
learn phonotactic rules - language-specific rules
that govern the sequences of phonemes that can be used to
To identify word boundaries, infants can use both transitional
probabilities between syllables, and prosodic cues, which relate
to linguistic stress. Most languages are dominated by either
trochaic words (with the stress on the first syllable) or iambic
ones (with the stress on later syllables). Infants seem to use a
combination of statistical and prosodic cues to segment words in
Ever since that moment when I started hearing what I assume were
word breaks in spoken Japanese, I have no conscious control over
this process, and I cannot turn it off, just like I cannot
control or stop the word breaks that I hear in spoken English.
This is like so much of the mental processing that takes place
in our unconscious minds, in that we have no conscious control
over it. Instead, we just get the final product of all that
mental processing, sent to the awareness in a form that causes
the perceptions that we experience.
At the time I am writing this footnote, in late March 2005,
which is about 4½ months after I began hearing spoken Japanese
with word breaks, I am still watching Japanese fansubbed anime
(I watch roughly 1 to 1½ hours a night, when I eat my dinner),
and nothing has changed in how I hear spoken Japanese, other
than that I quickly got used to hearing it with word breaks,
although I guess my unconscious mind is now doing a better job
of deciding where the word breaks are, since I have heard many
more hours of spoken Japanese in these last few months (it
wouldn’t surprise me if my unconscious mind is still making
mistakes, but I wouldn’t know since I only consciously recognize
and know the meaning of maybe half-a-dozen spoken Japanese
words; my tiny Japanese vocabulary was learned by matching the
English subtitle with the heard Japanese word).
 Regarding my entry into
middle age, the decline in how many hours of mental work I could
do per week certainly had a cause, but I do not see this cause
as involving or requiring allocation changes.
 Regarding the cause of
aging, there are many reasons to believe that aging is
programmed, including the following:
programmed cell death (aka
Within multicellular organisms, it is commonplace for cells
to die deliberately. For an organism during its development,
apoptosis is used in different places at different times to
remove and/or sculpt tissue into the wanted final form. An
oft given example is the apoptosis of tissue between the
wanted digits of what will become a terminal appendage such
as a paw or hand. At times other than early development,
such as for an adult organism, apoptosis is ongoing as an
offset to ongoing cell division which adds new cells. The
idea is to keep the total number of cells of the given type
constant. In healthy adult humans, high rates of ongoing
cell division and offsetting apoptosis happen in a number of
different places, including the blood and its associated
bone marrow, the skin, and the intestinal lining.
This is a very rare condition, described as follows by The
Progeria Research Foundation:
Although they are born looking healthy, children with
Progeria begin to display many characteristics of
accelerated aging at around 18-24 months of age. Progeria
signs include growth failure, loss of body fat and hair,
aged-looking skin, stiffness of joints, hip dislocation,
generalized atherosclerosis, cardiovascular (heart) disease
and stroke. The children have a remarkably similar
appearance, despite differing ethnic background. Children
with Progeria die of atherosclerosis (heart disease) at an
average age of thirteen years (with a range of about 8 - 21
years). [What is Progeria?. At:
the appearance of a consistent
aging plan for the species, instead of the appearance of
random breakdowns and failures
The only real alternative to saying that aging is programmed
is to say that aging is the result of an ongoing
accumulation of random breakdowns and failures in the
organism’s various systems (these systems are composed of
cells). The causes of these random breakdowns and failures
would be whatever physical causes one wants to imagine for
them, such as imagining the buildup over time of poisonous
molecules in the cells, or imagining random errors in such
things as DNA transcription, resulting in defective proteins
If aging were the result of an
ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and failures
within cells, then one would expect to see randomness
regarding which systems are affected, how they are affected,
and when they are affected, when looking at a large
population of a given species, such as the human species.
However, as I know from my own aging experience so far, the
physical changes I have experienced were just those very
specific physical changes that are described in the medical
literature as typical for a man of my age.
For those who are familiar with the large number and variety
of different physical systems in the body, if aging were
caused or mostly caused by an ongoing accumulation of random
breakdowns and failures in the organism’s cells, then one
would expect to see much more randomness as to which systems
are affected, how they are affected, and the ages at which
they are affected. But this is not the case. Instead, one
sees an aging plan for the species that targets specific
systems for specific kinds of degradation at specific ages
as one grows older.
The suddenness of many aging effects is another thing that
seems inconsistent with the idea that aging effects are the
result of an ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and
failures in cells. My own experience with certain physical
aging effects, including the decrease in how much my bladder
can empty, the decrease in my ejaculate volume, and the
appearance of age lines on my face, is that for each of
these aging effects, when that aging effect happened, it
happened over a very short time frame of at most a few days,
and then that specific degradation remained unchanged for
many years afterwards, neither lessening nor worsening.
Given that aging is programmed, and given bions, our aging
plan is obviously carried out by our bions. Regarding the
form and residence of our aging plan, our aging plan may be
in our DNA, encoded somewhere in the so-called “junk” DNA
whose language is presently unknown (section 2.6). Or, if
not encoded in our DNA, then our aging plan only exists in
the memory of our bions and/or the bions of other members of
The aging plan for our species has presumably evolved over
the life of our species into its current form, with variants
depending on gender, race, nationality, and individual
factors. When our species began, it probably copied much or
all of its original aging plan from one or more other animal
species that preceded it.
Regarding the reason for aging, the reason must ultimately
trace to our finite nature, including the finite memory
storage and finite processing speed of each computing
element. The idea of living forever in some constant form is
inconsistent with finite memory. The end result of our
finite nature is the life cycle that we and other
intelligent-particle beings experience. The life cycle both
begins and ends in rebirth. The time of rebirth is a time of
renewal, when among other things there is a system-wide
reset that clears out at least most of the old memories,
making room for new memories in the new life.
This basic pattern of a life cycle that begins and ends in
rebirth, has probably evolved early in the history of
intelligent-particle beings in our galaxy, with parallel
evolution of this same basic pattern everywhere in our
galaxy where intelligent-particle beings have separately
evolved. The finite nature of intelligent-particle beings is
independent of whether or not there is any physical
embodiment at any stage in their life cycle. Indeed,
physical embodiment like what we see on our own planet is
probably a rarity and late development in what is already an
Given that we and the other
physically embodied intelligent-particle beings on Earth -
including all animals that have a soliton - follow a life cycle
that begins and ends in rebirth, it appears that each species’
aging plan has evolved as the preferred transition method by
that species when moving from the physically embodied state to
the physically disembodied state, assuming the transition is not
forced by some other means such as accident, illness, or
 Back when I lost my interest
in listening to music, I was reminded of the commonplace
stereotype of old people who only listen to music that they
heard when they were young. I soon found myself in the same
situation. After I lost my interest in listening to music, I
rarely listened to music, but when I did listen to music, I
wanted to listen to music that I heard and liked when I was
young, in my teens or 20s.
Since my loss, I don’t feel any pleasure when I listen to the
music from my youth, so why do I have that preference? Well, I
no longer feel any pleasure from listening to any music, but I
used to have that pleasure, so one reason for my preference is
that I am returning to what used to give me pleasure, even
though it no longer gives me pleasure. The other reason, and
this reason is often mentioned by old people, is that it brings
back memories of their youth. In my own case, when I listen to
music that I liked when I was young, I tend to recall and think
about my life from those times.
Even though I no longer feel any pleasure from listening to
music, I can still listen to new music and judge whether it is
good or bad. For example, about ten days before writing this
footnote - I am writing this footnote in early April 2005 - I
got an email from someone who sent me some links to some music
he had created. In his email he said he was a musician and he
wanted to give me some of his music in exchange for my writings
which he liked. Well, since he put it like that, I kind of felt
like I should listen to his music even though I didn’t want to.
So, I listened once to each of the four pieces of music he had
given me links to.
Those four pieces of music were a kind of music I hadn’t heard
before. He had described it as “acid techno and industrial”.
Three of the pieces sounded good to me (surprisingly good), and
one piece sounded bad, and I knew what I didn’t like about that
bad piece. But after fulfilling my self-imposed obligation, I
had no desire to listen again to any of his music, since
listening to music no longer gives me any pleasure.
Given my own experience, and also given the need for dedicated
allocations to avoid channel-sharing conflicts (section 9.6), it
follows that the allocation of awareness-particle input channels
for carrying music-listening pleasure is separate from whatever
allocations are involved in carrying a rational judgment and
critique of that music. However, presumably the same mind part
is the dominant source for both the explicit rational judgment
and the implicit judgment of felt pleasure, so that they always
coincide and agree.
In the felt-pleasure case, that
mind part sends that feeling directly to the awareness, but in
the rational judgment and critique case, that mind part is just
an input to some other mind part that constructs the rational
judgment and critique and sends it to the awareness.
 Given the gender basis of
the three races (section 9.2), and given the strong association
that the african race has with music, it seems likely that the
african race has the biggest allocation of awareness-particle
input channels for carrying the music-listening pleasure
feeling, the oriental race has the smallest allocation, and the
caucasian race is in-between. This also agrees with my own
observation that men on average are more into music than women.
Presumably, men are more into
music because they are getting a bigger reward from music,
feeling more pleasure when listening to whatever their minds
judge as good music. Note that the pleasure one feels from
listening to music is also a motivator for creating new music.
Thus, africans on average are more motivated to create new music
than the other two races, and men on average are more motivated
to create new music than women.
 Around the beginning of 2005
at age 49, I lost my previous ability to intensely concentrate.
At the time, this change went largely unnoticed by me, because
its primary effect was that I was simply no longer concentrating
like I used to when I did my work. At the time it just seemed to
me like I didn’t want to concentrate any more.
Thus, for most of 2005 I didn’t
see the change as an actual loss, although it was, because, as I
write this footnote in June 2006, about 1½ years have passed,
and the state of intense concentration that prior to 2005 I used
to enter easily when doing certain intellectual tasks -
including such things as my programming work and in general
whenever I wanted to think deeply about something - is now just
a memory for me, because I can no longer concentrate like that,
and I haven’t done so for the last 1½ years. Just to be clear, I
can still concentrate, but just not intensely like I used to.
I guess my current ability to concentrate is about average for a
man of my nationality, whereas before 2005 it was well above
average, because I’ve known for a long time that most people
couldn’t concentrate like I could. Prior to 2005 it was routine
for me to concentrate so intensely that I had to take
precautions so that I wouldn’t be disturbed while in that state,
because if I were disturbed by such things as a phone ringing or
someone unexpectedly talking to me, I would have what I called
the startle reaction where I would kinda jump with shock as my
intense concentration was broken.
Apparently, the ability to concentrate requires an allocation of
awareness-particle input channels. In my own case, around the
beginning of 2005 I lost much of my previous allocation for
concentration. This allocation loss was apparently reallocated
elsewhere in a way that greatly lessened a memory deficit I had:
my memory deficit was a very below-average ability to remember
text sequences. In June 2005 I noticed the memory improvements
enough to write about them. Here are the notes I wrote on June
5, 2005 (edited for improved readability and clarity):
This morning, prior to getting out of bed, I was recalling some
sentences from my book [I mean this book, for which I had just
finished work on the 10th edition about a month previous], and I
knew I was recalling those sentences verbatim. It soon occurred
to me that this was something new for me, because in the past I
could never recall anything from my own writings verbatim unless
it was a very short phrase of at most a few words.
As I thought about it, while still lying in bed prior to getting
up, I tried to remember how long this had been going on, and I
thought I was also recalling sentences verbatim prior to today,
but I’m not sure. Regardless, this morning is the first time I
noticed this verbatim recall of more than a few words. As I sit
here writing this now, it occurred to me to do a simple test of
my memory, so I picked up a sheet of technical documentation
that I last read a few months ago, and I selected and silently
read once to myself, at my normal reading speed, a sentence I
chose at random from the middle of that page.
I put the page down and then tried
to recall that sentence I had just read, and I was surprised to
see that I was able to recall what I thought was the entire
sentence. I immediately checked my recall by rereading that
sentence (the sentence is 20 words long). I had made a few
mistakes, but even so, this level of recall is definitely new
for me, because I could never do anywhere close to this good in
Up until now, prior to this improvement in my recall ability, I
used to tell others that I could never recall anything verbatim,
which was true. This inability to recall verbatim included my
own writings and all other writings, and also anything spoken or
said by myself or others. So, up until now I always had to
paraphrase when I remembered something I had read or heard,
because I could never recall anything verbatim no matter how
little time had passed, even if only seconds had passed since
reading or hearing it and then trying to recall it verbatim.
I think my previous verbatim
recall ability was far below average, but now it seems I got a
reallocation from somewhere (I don’t know where), and my
verbatim recall ability is now closer to being average.
Actually, it just occurred to me that I did notice once or twice
while I was doing that three-week [programming] job, which I
finished two days ago, that my memory seemed better, but I
didn’t think any more about it at that time, perhaps because I
was very focused on doing that job. So, this improved recall
looks very real, but I have no idea where the reallocation came
from. What mind part lost the allocation that my recall mind
part [more specifically, the mind part responsible for recalling
a sequence of symbols] ended up getting? Well, whatever. But I’m
glad to have this improved recall, because I always knew I was
The above notes talk specifically about a substantial
improvement in my ability to remember word sequences, but my
recall improvement is for any sequence of symbols, including
sequences of letters and digits. For example, before this recall
improvement, I was unable to read a several-digit number and
remember that number long enough to type it into the computer a
few seconds later (even a two-digit number was a problem for
me). Thus, I was in the habit of always reading the number and
typing it in at the same time, digit by digit, and then I would
double or triple check that the number I typed in and see on the
screen matches the number on the printed page.
Now, after my recall improvement
that happened no later than May 2005, the situation is very
different, as I can now read an arbitrary sequence of characters
up to about six or seven characters in length, and still
correctly remember that sequence several seconds later, giving
me more than enough time to type it into the computer without
having to look back at the printed page from which I read that
In late 2005 I finally realized that the offsetting loss for my
memory gain was my concentration. Here are the notes I wrote on
November 9, 2005 (edited for improved readability and clarity):
Around the end of September 2005, more than a month ago, it
finally occurred to me that the counterbalancing loss for my
memory gain was my concentration.
I remember that in late 2004 I was growing reluctant to
desk-check my programming. [My habit was that I always
concentrated intensely when I desk-checked my program code. As a
rule, this allowed me to find any and all errors in that program
code.] If I recall correctly, I stopped doing desk-checking in
very-early 2005, but I’m not too sure about exactly when.
More tellingly, as far as I can remember, I haven’t had the
startle reaction at all in 2005, and it’s certain that I can no
longer enter the state of concentration that I used to enter on
a routine basis when I did my work. I can’t recall when I last
entered that state of concentration, other than that I was still
doing it in late 2004.
In early 2005 when I got the new phone - [actually, it was the
same old phone, but with a new phone number and an internet
connection] - I left the ringer on and was no longer startled by
it when it rang unexpectedly. [Prior to 2005 I always had the
ringer on that phone turned off, forcing whoever was calling me
to leave a message, because, if my phone were to ring when I was
concentrating, I would have the startle reaction, which is
something I wanted to avoid having, since it was always a big
shock for me.]
Also, in early 2005 I noticed that my movements when fixing my
dinner had become faster but less careful and deliberate. In the
past I moved more slowly and deliberately. I guess my previous
higher concentration level meant more was under my conscious
control, hence I was more slow then.
This faster but less careful and deliberate way of fixing my
food is paralleled with how my programming work has become
faster but less careful and deliberate. The thought of having
errors in my programming code [aka bugs] no longer seems as
important to me as it used to be, and I certainly no longer
carefully desk-check like I used to.
Besides preparing my dinner faster and with less care than I
used to, another similar speedup that I noticed in the first
half of 2005 - I no longer remember exactly when I first noticed
it - was that I was typing on my computer keyboard substantially
faster and less carefully than I used to. In the past, prior to
2005, I was a slow hunt-and-peck typist, and I almost never made
a typo. However, ever since this typing speedup began, I’ve been
typing substantially faster than my pre-2005 typing speed, and I
often make typos which I quickly correct. Note that this typing
speedup happened without my consciously wanting it to happen. I
wasn’t trying to type faster. Instead, it just happened.
I think the reason that the loss of my previous ability to
intensely concentrate also resulted in my faster and less
careful body movements when fixing my dinner and also when
typing, is that the decreased allocation to my concentration
mind part meant not only a decrease in my maximum concentration
level, but also a decrease in my average concentration level for
when I do such ordinary tasks as fixing my dinner or typing at
the keyboard. Thus, after the allocation decrease that happened
around the beginning of 2005, my concentration level while doing
a given task is on average lower than what it was before 2005.
Regarding why having a bigger allocation for symbol-sequence
recall resulted in my being able to remember symbol sequences
longer, I think the reason is the commonplace observation that
memories, especially short-term memories, tend to weaken and
fade with time. This weakening and fading away of memories as
they age is what the awareness perceives, but this weakening and
fading away is probably only a simulated effect, because the
actual data on which the recalled memory is based, is stored
somewhere in one or more of the intelligent particles that
compose one’s mind, and this stored data will presumably retain
perfect fidelity until it is eventually overwritten or erased,
at which point it is truly lost and can no longer be the basis
for a consciously recalled memory.
Regarding how this time-based
weakening and fading away of consciously recalled memory is
done, probably the mind part sending the recalled memory to the
awareness gives that sent memory an intensity proportional to
its age. More specifically, given the total allocation of
awareness-particle input channels for that mind part, the
fraction of that total allocation used to send a recalled memory
to the awareness is proportional to the age of that memory: The
more recent the memory, the larger the fraction; the older the
memory, the smaller the fraction.
In my own case, before the allocation increase that happened to
me in 2005, my symbol-sequence recall mind part had an
allocation of awareness-particle input channels that was small
compared to the average for a man of my nationality. With my
small allocation, the fraction of that small allocation used for
sending to my awareness a several-seconds-old memory of a
sequence of just a few characters, resulted in an
awareness-perceived memory that was already too weak for me to
know with any certainty its content (in other words, I couldn’t
Presumably, the underlying
algorithm first determines the fraction f for a given
symbol-sequence memory based mostly on its age, and then simply
multiplies f by that mind part’s total allocation to get the
number of awareness-particle input channels used to carry to the
awareness that symbol-sequence memory. Since my total allocation
for that mind part was substantially increased in 2005, I can
recall a given symbol-sequence memory for a longer time than was
the case before that allocation increase.
Besides the symbol-sequence recall mind part, there are other
recall mind parts that presumably have their own allocations of
awareness-particle input channels. This is consistent with how
some people are strong in certain kinds of memory and weak in
others. For example, in my own case I was weak in
symbol-sequence recall, but at the same time my visual recall
was good (I believe my visual recall was, and still is, at least
average, and maybe a little better than average).
 In the course of 2004 my
interest in playing first-person-shooter computer games
disappeared, even though my ability to successfully play thru
them remained intact. I simply lost interest. I attribute this
loss of interest to my ambition decline that happened earlier
 After the large decline in
my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent
reallocation, besides the big change in my sense of smell, there
were also a few smaller changes for me. In summary, as I reflect
upon those smaller changes, it seems that I’ve gotten
allocations for a few things that on average are more heavily
allocated to women than men.
Most noticeable for me was a new feeling: happiness. My first
recollection of when I was feeling happy was back in mid-2004
when I was in a supermarket having this feeling, and it suddenly
occurred to me that I was feeling happy. And I was kind of
shocked by it, because up until that time I only knew that
happiness was a feeling that makes girls bounce around and be
cheery with their happiness. That was the extent of my
understanding of what happiness was, until I felt it for myself
in that supermarket. Many times since then, I have found myself
feeling happy at different times, with no apparent cause. This
happiness feeling is just a mild feeling for me, but it’s nice
when it happens.
It doesn’t look like I got a happiness allocation big enough to
make me bounce around and be cheery, at least not to the extent
I’ve seen girls do it, but the allocation I got was enough so
that I can see from my own experience what the happiness feeling
is like, and I can easily imagine that if this feeling were
substantially intensified I would be bouncing around all cheery
too. Happiness is a nice feeling. For me, most of its
appearances have been when I was either acquiring food (in the
supermarket) or preparing food (in the kitchen). Also, I have
heard statements by women that they often felt happy during
their pregnancy, and I have seen women acting happy when they
are with their small children.
So, it looks like the happiness
feeling is given as a reward for actions that are either
life-sustaining, such as acquiring and preparing food, or
life-perpetuating, such as having and caring for a child. So, it
is easy to see why the happiness feeling on average is more
heavily allocated to women than men, because, by virtue of their
giving birth and being mother, women are more directly involved
with life-perpetuating actions than men are. And, regarding
life-sustaining actions, women on average are more involved with
food acquisition and preparation than men are, and women can
also breast-feed after giving birth.
 Another reallocation-caused
change that I am sure of, after the large decline in my ambition
and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent reallocation,
is that I now find myself easily moved to feeling emotional and
shedding tears when exposed to certain recalled memories and
certain scenes in romance stories. My first conscious
realization regarding this change was during a conversation I
had in mid-February 2005 when I was telling a personal story
that I had recalled and told before in past years without
feeling anything, but during this telling I felt myself becoming
very emotional and I felt like I was going to cry.
After that conversation, as I
thought about what had just happened to me, I suspected that an
allocation change was responsible, although there was already
earlier evidence for this allocation change but I just didn’t
see it until shortly before writing this footnote in late April
2005, after all the thinking I did in an effort to better
understand how I had changed, so that I could write this
I mention in another footnote that I began watching downloaded
Japanese anime in mid-2004. Prior to the latter half of 2004 I
never had any interest in romance stories or shows, and I never
watched them. The few romance scenes that I had seen in movies
or on TV before that time had never emotionally moved me. Also,
from my early teens until the latter half of 2004, I had only
cried or felt like crying a few times in my life, and I had
never cried or felt like crying for any recalled personal memory
or for any scene in a movie or TV show.
Well, anyway, without even
realizing it, during the latter half of 2004 I was interested in
romance stories and I downloaded and watched several anime
romance series, and I got emotional at times and shed a few
tears while watching them. At that time, I just thought how
great this Japanese anime was, and I didn’t make the connection
that my having any interest in romance stories was something new
Less than a week before writing this footnote, I downloaded and
watched a subtitled non-anime Japanese romance series, and I got
teary and emotional at a number of different points in that
series. However, I did pay attention to the actual feeling,
because I knew I would be writing this footnote. As far as I
know, there is no English word for the feeling that goes along
with the tears, which is why I’ve been using the word emotional
in this footnote when I mean this feeling. Henceforth, I’ll use
the phrase crying feeling when I mean this feeling.
My own experience with the crying feeling is that it seems to be
a neutral feeling that is neither painful nor pleasant. The lack
of an English word for the crying feeling is probably due to the
feeling’s close association with being teary. In effect, given
this close association, there is less need for a separate word
for the crying feeling, because the crying feeling is implicit
depending on the context when one uses words for being teary.
For example, saying “that story made me cry,” implies that one
felt the crying feeling when crying. Saying “I felt like
crying,” implies that one felt the crying feeling even though
one didn’t cry.
In terms of allocation changes, apparently I got a substantial
allocation increase for whatever mind part is involved with
causing crying and its associated crying feeling. I guess my
newfound interest in romance stories also traces to this mind
part, at least partially so.
 Although I don’t really know
what may be typical in terms of specific reallocations during
the afterlife, I can think of two possibilities that might be
worth mentioning. The first possibility involves music-listening
pleasure. Perhaps the reallocations include an allocation for
music-listening pleasure, big enough to make listening to good
music very pleasurable. Many lucid-dream projectionists have had
incidents of hearing fantastic sounding music, and their
experiences are a likely source for religious ideas of celestial
music and angels singing.
In each incident, either the heard
music was a construction of the lucid-dream projectionist’s own
unconscious mind, or the heard music was originally constructed
by one or more other minds and then telepathically copied to the
mind of the lucid-dream projectionist who hears and remembers
it. In the afterlife, after the reallocations, and assuming a
substantial allocation for music-listening pleasure, one is
probably a member of a community, many of whom at different
times are actively consciously composing in their minds
instrumental music or other kinds of music and/or songs, and
then sharing their creations with the rest of the community. In
such a community, perhaps much of the day is spent listening to
The second possibility involves the conscience. What if the
reallocations include an allocation for the conscience, big
enough to give a strong conscience. The end result could be the
popular religious idea of judgment in the afterlife. However,
instead of this afterlife judgment being carried out by some
imaginary God or gatekeeper angel, the afterlife judgment is
carried out by one’s own unconscious mind, specifically by the
conscience mind part.
In my own case, I already have a strong conscience, and I
learned early in life the kinds of actions I had to avoid so as
to not be hounded by my conscience, which would hound me by
having me often recall the specific infraction and feel bad
about it. Note that the conscience only makes itself known after
the fact, in the sense that the conscience only strikes after
the action is done (the conscience is only concerned with
actions involving others, including what is said to others; the
conscience is not concerned with thoughts). Thus, when someone
says that their conscience won’t let them do something, they
mean that they expect to be hounded by their conscience if they
were to do that action, so they are not going to do it.
Because I have a strong conscience, I never had any need to
adopt an ethics code constructed by others, since my conscience
is my ethics code. But what if my original allocation plan had
been different, giving me little or no allocation for the
conscience mind part, then perhaps at some point in my life I
would have adopted a specific ethics code, and followed it. I
have an analogy from my own experience:
I have never felt fear or terror in my life, nor have I ever
been scared or afraid, so apparently I have a zero allocation
for the fear mind part. Although I have never felt fear myself,
I accept that fear is a real feeling that many people - perhaps
most people - have experienced. This acceptance is based on the
abundance of written and spoken material in this society that
talks about fear as if it were a real feeling, and also based on
conversations I’ve had with people who claim to have felt fear,
been scared, been terrified, and such.
(Based on what I’ve been told,
English has different words that all refer to the same fear
feeling, including the words fright, scared, and terror. For
example, I was told that being terrified means feeling fear more
intensely than usual.)
One of these conversations was in
the Fall of 2004, and the person I was talking with repeatedly
made the point that fear has a protective purpose. In reply I
said “obviously”, but he kept hammering the point that fear has
the purpose of protecting the person from possible harm.
So, after that conversation, later that night, I had a sudden
insight about the reason for a decades-long habit I had: Since
at least my mid-20s I have had the habit of running thru my mind
worst-case scenarios as the possible outcome for whatever
possible action I was considering, and I then decided on that
possible action based on my estimation of how probable a
worst-case outcome was. The insight was that I was compensating
for my lack of fear.
I was doing by conscious rational
means what a person who feels fear does by simply feeling fear
(the fear mind part probably uses the same basic algorithm that
I was consciously using). Thus, I had developed an alternative
protective mechanism for myself, because I still had to be
protected, since the physical body has many needs - water, food,
clothing, shelter - and is structurally weak and easily damaged.
Similarly, a person who has no conscience or only a weak
conscience should probably adopt an ethics code and try to
follow it, to compensate for his lack of a conscience.
Regarding what should be in an ethics code, certainly the golden
rule, which implies reciprocity and fair dealing, should be in
any ethics code. Also, the golden rule should extend downward to
include animals and other creatures, including non-harmful
insects (my conscience has hounded me in the past for willfully
killing insects, including spiders, so I am careful to avoid
hurting these creatures, but my conscience has never bothered me
about killing mosquitoes which I actively hunt and try to kill
whenever I hear one buzzing about).
Unfortunately, various forms of imperialism, including the
monotheist religious imperialisms, push an ethics code that
includes anti-sex dictates. I have written in a few of my other
writings as to the real reason for imperialism’s anti-sex
policies, which have nothing to do with what is right, and a lot
to do with suppressing nationalism at its root. My conscience
has never hounded me for any sexual actions, although I guess my
conscience would hound me if I were to force non-consensual sex
on someone, since that would violate the golden rule. If
everything is consensual, there is no violation of the golden
Regarding the idea that fear has a purpose, after thinking about
it I reached the conclusion that all the various feelings,
including good and bad feelings, have purpose, and their purpose
is that these various feelings are a primary means by which the
unconscious mind influences the soliton without forcing the
The soliton is still the ruler,
but similar to the situation in a human government, the ruler is
subjected to various influences coming from lower levels in that
government. Also, the soliton may sometimes get conflicting
feelings coming from different mind parts, which is similar to a
human government where the ruler may sometimes be subjected to
conflicting influences coming from different departments. Note
that none of the feelings we experience are generated by the
soliton. Instead, all feelings are generated by the unconscious
mind and sent to the soliton where they are felt.
 As mentioned in the previous
footnote, I have never felt fear in my life, or, if I have felt
fear, it was when I was so young that I no longer consciously
remember it (perhaps I had an allocation for fear during my
childhood that was reallocated elsewhere as I grew older, but I
have no conscious memories to support this possibility). Besides
having never felt fear, I have also never felt loneliness nor
Until recently I didn’t even know if loneliness and sadness were
real feelings or not. I had never really thought much about it,
and hadn’t done any research. However, because of the new
happiness feeling and enhanced crying feeling that were two of
the consequences of the reallocations that followed the large
decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ in 2004, I
had a lot of interest during the following year (2005) in the
whole subject of feelings, and among other things I wanted to
know about loneliness and sadness.
To get answers to these questions, I turned to my then
21-year-old niece, Melanie, who I knew was very feminine and had
strong feelings. My niece lives in a different state, so I had
to call her on the phone. The first thing I wanted to know about
was loneliness, because that feeling is mentioned more in
American society than sadness, so I reasoned that it was more
likely to be real. I called her July 2nd, 2005, asking
specifically about loneliness. Here are the notes I wrote two
days later on July 4th (edited for improved readability and
I talked with Melanie and asked her about the loneliness
feeling. In answer to my questioning, what she said can be
summarized as follows: She said it’s a real feeling, and it has
the same kind of intensity range as other feelings (one can feel
a little lonely, more lonely, or very lonely). She also said
it’s closest to the depression feeling in how it feels, but it’s
still a separate and distinct feeling. She has often felt lonely
at the same time as feeling depressed, but she has at other
times felt lonely without feeling depressed, and at still other
times felt depressed without feeling lonely.
Note: She mentioned that she had often been depressed for the
last five years. She recently turned 21, so this means her
depression started around age 16. This roughly agrees with my
own recollection of when I first started hearing about Melanie
During the talk, she said that the loneliness feeling was often
felt as being lonely for finding the right guy, but sometimes
she felt lonely in a non-specific way. Given how she described
it, I got the impression that the loneliness feeling as she
experienced it, was more often than not, and more intensely so,
focused on finding and being with the right guy.
A few hours after I talked with her, the cause of her depression
occurred to me: her unconscious mind wanted her to be mated by
age 16, and was using negative feelings - the depression feeling
and the loneliness feeling - as motivators. The obvious problem
for her is that she is living in a crap society (America), which
forces an extended childhood on people, and treats sex by teens
as a crime.
So, my talk with Melanie was very productive, because not only
did I get detailed information about the loneliness feeling, but
I also got an explanation for the chronic depression that
afflicts many teenaged girls in America. For those who don’t
know, in Europe up until a few centuries ago, it was commonplace
for girls to marry in their early or mid teens (men typically
married at a later age).
The transformation of society by
such things as industrialization, the imposition of forced
schooling in the 19th century, and the anti-national policies of
imperialism which include hostility to sex and family, have
created an environment that is actively hostile to early-teen
and mid-teen marriages for women. Apparently, it is easier to
change society than it is to change the unconscious mind, with
the end result that a lot of young women suffer like Melanie
There must be people who have a zero allocation for the
depression feeling, but I’m not one of them. Instead, I
apparently have a small allocation for the depression feeling,
because I’ve been depressed three times in my life for a total
of about five hours of feeling depressed: two different romantic
disappointments when I was young, each resulting in a period of
depression that lasted about two hours, and one time in my early
40s (actually, the day before my 41st birthday) when I realized
that I had been successfully lied to by this American society
regarding certain historical matters (I’ve written about this
elsewhere as follows: “As this realization hit me, I felt very
small and weak, and was depressed for about an hour.”).
Insofar as I remember what
depression feels like (I am 50 years old as I write this
footnote in January 2006), it’s an oppressive, negative feeling,
and I was really lethargic while having that depression feeling
(I just sat in my chair and didn’t want to move).
On July 29th, 2005, I called Melanie again, as a followup to our
July 2nd, 2005, conversation about loneliness. Here are the
notes I wrote September 6th, 2005, about that July 29th followup
call (edited for improved readability and clarity):
Supplement for the July 4, 2005 notes about Melanie and the
loneliness feeling, and my explanation for her depression:
I knew I was going to tell her about my explanation for her
depression by reading her my July 4, 2005 notes, but before
doing that, without giving her any clue as to why I was asking,
I wanted to put my depression explanation to an immediate test,
because I had already learned from previous conversations with
her, that she had met a man earlier in the year, and she had an
active and ongoing relationship with him, and her feelings for
him were very strong. So, knowing all this, and knowing that I
had what I believed was the correct explanation for her roughly
five years of depression, and knowing that she didn’t sound
depressed during our recent phone conversations, I expected to
hear that her depression disappeared coincident with that recent
entry of Mr. Right (the right man for her) into her life.
So, I asked her was she still depressed. She said “No”. I then
asked her when the depression stopped, and her answer was
exactly what I was expecting to hear: she lost her depression at
the same time as Mr. Right entered her life. Thus, her answers
agreed with my explanation as to the cause of her previous
chronic depression. After this questioning of her and hearing
her answers, I then read her my July 4, 2005 notes, and she said
my notes were very accurate regarding what she said about
loneliness and her experience with it, but she disagreed with my
explanation of the cause of her previous chronic depression. Her
disagreement is what I expected, since she had already been
brainwashed by American society to believe the bogus “chemical
imbalance” explanation for depression.
During the years she was depressed
she had been to different psychiatrists, and she had been taking
the various “anti-depressant” pills they prescribed, but her
depression - although dulled by the pills along with the rest of
her mind - remained. But with the entry of Mr. Right into her
life her depression disappeared.
This footnote is already big enough, so my talk with Melanie
about sadness is in the next footnote.
 Continuing from the previous
footnote, on October 30th, 2005, I called Melanie asking about
the sadness feeling. The following are the notes that I wrote
during that conversation (edited for improved readability and
According to Melanie, sadness is a real feeling that is separate
from the other feelings, including the loneliness feeling, the
fear feeling, and the depression feeling. Sadness has the usual
intensity range for a feeling. However, in her experience,
sadness is a less intense feeling than loneliness, fear, and
depression. [Apparently, Melanie has a smaller allocation for
the sadness feeling than she has for the loneliness feeling, the
fear feeling, and the depression feeling, which is why she
hasn’t felt sadness as intensely as she has felt loneliness,
fear, and depression.]
From her own experience, triggering causes for the sadness
feeling include the following:
1.A sudden loss of a
possession (for example, a few days ago a pair of earrings
she had just bought were stolen from her after she had put
the bag down in a different store). Also, just losing things
in general that she can’t find, but that’s less sad since
it’s not compounded with betrayal by a stranger.
Betrayal by a friend (for
example, when Melanie found out that one of her friends had
lied to her and was talking about her behind her back).
Also, she felt sad when a friend was mean to her. She has
also felt sad when remembering these things.
Getting a bad grade in school
on a test she tried hard on. She can also feel sad even if
she didn’t try hard.
When she got out of the
hospital and she was a lot heavier than when she went in,
the conscious realization that she was substantially
overweight made her feel sad.
A car accident she had. She
was sad when it happened, and afterwards when she thought
An embarrassment or
embarrassing situation, such as being made fun of, can bring
Having a minor physical
injury, including when she was bit by a dog, and when she
fell off her bike, and when she got a scissors stuck in her
foot requiring stitches.
She kissed a male friend, and
she helped him out, but he didn’t call, and she felt sad as
a result. Her feelings were hurt.
She felt really sad when her
rabbit died, and less sad when her hamster died. She also
felt sad when her fish died.
She felt very sad when she had
bad acne on her face, and when she had to go out in public
like that. She felt sad when looking in the mirror, and when
she thought about people looking at her.
She has felt sad thinking
about how her family doesn’t have much money, and yet she’s
spending some of it, so she feels like a weight is on her,
and she feels sad about it.
Someone dies that she knows,
or something bad happens to someone she knows. For example,
when one of her cousins died in a car accident, and also
when she heard about her grandmother suffering from pain
caused by shingles. It doesn’t have to be a person close to
her. For example, she felt sad about 911 (September 11,
2001), the whole thing.
If she breaks something
accidentally that has value to her or others, she may feel
sad about it, especially if that broken thing meant
something to either her or someone else.
She’s sad if it’s really cold
outside. She doesn’t like the feeling of being cold, and she
can’t enjoy being outside when it’s like that. She feels sad
(a light sadness) when she transitions from a warm
environment into the painful cold. And if she’s stuck in
that cold, she can feel sad at different times while being
stuck in that cold.
The above list of triggering
causes is given in the original order that I wrote them down.
I kept asking Melanie for more and
more examples of what caused her to feel sad. These triggering
causes are listed in the order that Melanie remembered them and
told them to me (I wrote each one down as she was talking). Some
of the events mentioned were recent events in her life, and
others were years or many years in the past. I basically wanted
her to tell me everything she could remember about sadness, and
our talk only ended when she couldn’t think of anything else
that has caused her to feel sad. Thank you Melanie for your
The next footnote discusses feelings in more depth, including
sadness and the other emotions.
 There are many different
feelings, so it’s helpful to classify them.
After thinking about it, here is
the classification scheme I’ve come up with:
Body feelings include all those feelings that report the
status of the body to the awareness. These feelings include
pressure on the body’s
surface (the sense of touch)
internal pressure (feeling
bloated, feeling tightness from local swelling, feeling
full or stuffed from eating too much, etc)
feeling how the parts of
the body are currently positioned relative to each other
feeling bodily pain,
including such miscellaneous things as soreness, cramps,
temperature (feeling warm
or hot, cool or cold, etc)
water needs (feeling
nourishment needs (feeling
hungry, starving, etc)
excretion needs (feeling
the need to urinate or defecate)
breathing needs (feeling
the need to breathe; typically only felt when normal
breathing is either hindered or prevented or
sleep needs (feeling
tired, feeling sleepy, etc)
current health (feeling
sick, feeling the need to vomit, feeling good, feeling
typically involving stimulation of the sex organ (I’m
including the orgasm feeling here)
If I’ve left anything out,
feel free to add to the above list of body feelings.
The following table lists ten emotions. Each of these
emotions has its own very specific and unique feeling which
can vary in intensity but is always the same feeling in
terms of how it feels to the awareness. Each of these
emotions is distinct and separate from the other emotions
and all other feelings, and each of these emotions, assuming
one has a non-zero allocation for it, has its own dedicated
non-shared allocation of awareness-particle input channels.
There are probably at least some people who have a non-zero
allocation for each of these ten emotions, but that is
probably the exception rather than the rule. In my own case
(I’m 50 years old as I write this footnote), I have yet to
feel four of the ten emotions listed below: fear, joy,
loneliness, and sadness.
This implies that for my
entire life so far, I’ve had a zero allocation for these
four emotions (it’s possible that I had a non-zero
allocation for one or more of these four emotions during my
infancy and early childhood, but I have no conscious memory
of those years, so I can’t say).
Assuming one has an adequate allocation to feel it,
depression is perhaps the worst feeling to have. Given the
conditions under which it appears, and also its potential to
be chronic, it seems that the depression feeling is sent to
the awareness as a notification or signal that the
unconscious mind is frustrated with the current situation.
The purpose of the depression feeling is to provoke the
awareness to change the current situation, because
depression is something that the awareness will want to
The immobilizing quality of depression makes it harder for
the awareness to continue with business as usual. As long as
the situation remains unchanged, the depression can remain,
Changing the situation in a way that ends the depression
depends on the situation. In my own life I’ve been depressed
three times, including twice because of romantic
disappointments, and in each of these two cases, while
sitting in my chair immobilized with the depression feeling,
I realized things weren’t going to turn out as I wanted and
it was time to give up and move on, which is what I did.
Thus, I changed the situation by simply giving up, and it
worked insofar as my depression ended (in each of these two
cases I was depressed for about two hours).
Similarly, much later in my
life when I was depressed after realizing how this American
society had successfully lied to me about a certain
historical matter, I accepted that I had been deceived and I
resolved to study how I was deceived and learn from that
experience (in this case I was depressed for about an hour).
My own experience with the happiness feeling - described in
a previous footnote - is that it is a very nice and pleasant
feeling. Based on my own experience and the experience of
others, happiness is given to the awareness as a reward for
actions that are life-sustaining or life-perpetuating. Thus,
the purpose of the happiness feeling is to encourage
life-sustaining and life-perpetuating actions.
I have heard of people crying from being so happy. In my own
case, I have yet to feel a strong or intense happiness, so
my current happiness allocation is probably too small for me
to ever cry with happiness (my current crying-feeling
allocation is probably adequate, but both allocations are
needed). However, I did ask my niece, Melanie, about crying
from being so happy, and she said that she herself has cried
from being so happy.
So, as long as one has a big
enough allocation for the happiness feeling, and also a
sufficient allocation for the crying feeling, it can happen.
Hmm … it sounds rather blissful, being so happy.
I’ve already described in a previous footnote a conversation
I had with a friend who repeatedly made the point that fear
has a protective purpose. Thus, the purpose of the fear
feeling is to warn the awareness of potential danger. More
specifically, the fear feeling is a signal to the awareness
that the unconscious mind judges the object of the fear
feeling - whatever one is feeling fearful of - as something
that is potentially threatening or endangering in some way
to either oneself or others.
In answer to my question of where the fear feeling lies on
the pleasure-pain scale, another friend, my brother-in-law
(age 60), described it as follows: “unpleasant to extremely
painful, depending on the situation.” He also said in answer
to further questioning that depending on the situation, he
has felt fear for others, including feeling fear for the
well-being of people who were neither close nor well-known
to him. However, in general, the closer his relationship to
a person, the more intensely he can feel fear if that
person’s well-being is endangered. Also, most of his
experience with the fear feeling has been in situations
where he himself felt threatened or endangered in some way,
with his own personal safety and well-being at apparent
Regarding fear, on June 20, 2006, I received an interesting
email from a 64-year-old man in Texas who described his own
experience with fear as follows (quoted with his
Fear has been my most driving force since I can remember (I
was a bed-wetter). Fear is probably responsible for most
major decisions in my life - I quit smoking because of fear,
I quit drinking because of fear, I avoided many risk-prone
pleasures because of fear. The absolute most fearful moment
in my life was when I first laid eyes on the lady that would
become my wife, and she stared me down - I felt a yellow
streak run down my back that I had only read about before -
sheer utter debilitating FEAR.
I have never experienced that
level of fear since, but fear, even heavy-duty levels, have
always been ready and waiting. I always despised myself for
being so afflicted with fear, but, after reading your page
on fear [he is referring to the 10th edition of this book,
specifically the same above-mentioned previous footnote
where I describe the conversation I had with that friend
about fear having a protective purpose], I am now rethinking
my attitude - maybe I should be thankful for having been
born with such a massive dose of fear.
My life has been more or less
blessed and charmed, somewhat.
My source for information about the joy feeling is my
brother-in-law. During a phone conversation on February 22,
2006, I was asking him where the fear feeling lies on the
pleasure-pain scale, because after reviewing what I had
written so far about emotions in this footnote, I realized I
was missing that detail. However, after getting his answer
about fear, I then asked him if I was missing anything from
my then list of eight emotions which I read to him, and he
said I was missing joy.
Initially I was skeptical about this claim of a joy feeling
(as far as I know, I haven’t felt joy myself), but after
detailed questioning and note taking, I realized a few
things: joy is a real feeling that my brother-in-law has
felt at different times, and it’s not the same as the
happiness feeling. Although he has an allocation for this
joy feeling, apparently he has a zero allocation for the
happiness feeling, because his idea of the happiness feeling
is the same kind of intellectual idea of happiness that I
used to have before I got an allocation for the happiness
feeling. His idea of happiness is when everything is going
well in his life, then he is happy. Fortunately, in sharp
contrast to his ignorance about happiness being a real
feeling, he has a lot to say about joy being a real feeling.
About the joy feeling, here are my notes which I took during
that phone conversation (edited for improved readability and
clarity). These notes record my brother-in-law’s answers to
my various questions:
Other English words for the joy feeling: elation, thrilled,
Regarding what triggers the joy feeling, he says there are
two essential requirements:
It has to be something
It has to be something
good that affects you or someone you love directly, with
Regarding where joy lies on
the pleasure-pain scale, he said it is highly pleasurable,
intensely pleasurable. When it triggers, it’s usually a 9 or
10 on the pleasure scale (10 is max pleasure). The better
the outcome, and the more unexpected it is, the more intense
Joy is personal. He hasn’t felt joy for unexpected good
things happening to others.
Events in his own life that he remembers as causing him joy:
[I guess the timing of my call
was fortunate, because even though I didn’t know about the
traffic ticket or court appearance when I called, he had
felt intense joy earlier that day as a result of that
traffic ticket being dismissed. That made it easy for him to
realize that I had missed the joy emotion when I read him my
then list of eight emotions and asked if I had missed
The first time he won a
wrestling match. (In high-school he was on the wrestling
The time he got a date
with a desirable girl who he thought would turn him
He was thrilled the first
time he skied down a real hill, but it wasn’t that
unexpected. (He says he uses the word thrill to mean a
joy that is less intense because the outcome was not
So, given the above
information about the joy feeling, what is its purpose?
Initially I was puzzled about
its purpose, but it now seems rather obvious to me: The
purpose of the joy feeling is to encourage risk taking by
rewarding it with the joy feeling when a good outcome
results. Apparently, one of the effects of the joy feeling
is that it can act as an antidote for the fear feeling,
because my brother-in-law, who also has an allocation for
fear, said how he felt some fear while skiing down that hill
the first time, but he knew that the joy feeling was waiting
for him if he succeeded.
I don’t really know about the prevalence of the joy feeling
in the general population or in the two genders. However,
given its purpose to encourage risk taking, it seems likely
that on average it is more heavily allocated to men than
Also, as I think about it, on
average men like to gamble more than women, and perhaps in
many cases a man who likes to gamble also has an allocation
for the joy feeling, and he knows that if he wins against
the odds he will get a reward: the joy feeling.
According to my niece, Melanie, the loneliness feeling can
be loneliness for the company of others in general, or
loneliness for a specific person or kind of person, and, in
particular, loneliness for a mate. She said that loneliness
is closest to the depression feeling in how it feels, so
this means that loneliness is a painful, unpleasant feeling.
Given the very narrow and specific focus of the loneliness
feeling, its purpose is very obvious: The purpose of the
loneliness feeling is to promote and encourage socialization
I have felt anger many times in my life, and I have felt
anger at many different intensity levels: ranging from
feeling just a little angry, all the way up to feeling so
intensely angry that I am almost completely taken over by it
and it’s a real struggle for me to retain control over
myself. So, I think I have an anger allocation that is at
least average for a man of my nationality, and perhaps
substantially above average.
Just yesterday (January 22, 2006) I got moderately angry,
and after I got home I thought about it a lot, because I was
in the middle of writing this footnote about emotions. Here
was the triggering cause: I had to drive my mother to a
building on the other side of town, and I thought she knew
where it was exactly, but it turns out that she didn’t know,
and she had me driving around in circles for roughly ten
minutes before I got angry about it. In reaction to my own
anger, I decided to stop the car and park nearby, with the
idea of getting out of the car and just walking into the
nearby buildings and asking as needed until we got the right
building that she wanted, which is what we did. So, my
getting angry served a useful purpose, because it provoked
me into changing the current situation of my driving around
in circles which was getting us nowhere.
As I thought about it later that day, I realized that anger
is similar to depression in that both feelings are
expressions of frustration with the current situation. The
anger feeling, like the depression feeling, is sent to the
awareness with the purpose of provoking the awareness to
change the current situation. However, these two different
feelings seem to cover different kinds of situations with
little overlap, if any, between them.
Regarding what anger feels like, it’s definitely an
unpleasant feeling, but not very unpleasant. On the
pleasure-pain scale I would have to say that anger, even
when I felt extreme anger, was at most only a little
painful. Regarding gender difference, anger is more common
among men than women. Comparing anger with depression, the
low-pain of anger allows one to change the current situation
quickly, whereas the immobilizing quality of depression has
the opposite effect.
Thus, given that anger is more
common in men, and depression is more common in women, this
adds to the perception of men being active and women being
English seems to lack a single word for the feeling that
goes along with laughing - I’m using the phrase laughing
feeling for this feeling. Note that words like funny,
humorous, and comical, refer to things that cause this
feeling, but not the feeling itself.
The reason English lacks a
word for this laughing feeling is basically the same reason
English lacks a word for the crying feeling: the close
association of that feeling with an easily seen outward
action (laughing and crying, respectively). This means that
the feeling is implicit depending on the context when one
uses words for that outward action. For example, saying
“that made me laugh,” implies that one felt the laughing
feeling when laughing.
Although English is lacking, there is still a need for being
able to refer to the laughing feeling directly, and likewise
for the crying feeling, because one can have the feeling
without its associated outward action, as I know from my own
experience. For example, I can feel that something is funny
- feeling the laughing feeling - without actually laughing
about it, although sometimes I do laugh: The more intense
the laughing feeling is, the more impetus there is to laugh.
At less intense levels, the laughing feeling can result in
just a smile or perhaps some chuckling, or no outward show
Like anger, the laughing feeling is a feeling that I have a
lot of experience with. I think I have a laughing-feeling
allocation that’s about average for a man of my nationality.
On the pleasure-pain scale the laughing feeling is mildly
Perhaps you’ve heard the
expression that goes like this:
“I laughed so hard that it
Well, that has happened to me
at least a few times in my life, and the pain referred to is
just ordinary body pain caused by the physical strain of
prolonged, hard laughing. The laughing feeling itself is
The laughing feeling has a purpose, of course, so what is
its purpose? Arthur Schopenhauer said that finding something
funny involves detecting a misapprehension. My Webster’s
dictionary defines misapprehension as a failure to interpret
correctly; a misunderstanding. I remember analyzing
Schopenhauer’s explanation after I first learned about it,
back in my mid 20s: I analyzed examples of things I found
funny, and I could see that Schopenhauer’s explanation was
In preparation for writing about the laughing feeling, for
the last few days I’ve been paying attention to things I
found funny. For example, in a subtitled Japanese
romance-comedy series that I was watching, here was a scene
I found moderately funny: The main character is in a room
with several of his friends, and after a setup which I’ve
already forgotten, we see him ranting and raving to his
friends a completely wrong understanding of something that
happened in the previous scene.
Of course, for the audience to
find that misapprehension funny, we have to be shown in
advance what the correct interpretation is - this was done
in previous scenes - so that we know with certainty that
that main character has gotten things completely wrong. This
comedic strategy was used several times in that
romance-comedy: The main character was set up for a
misunderstanding, but the audience is given the correct
interpretation in advance, and then we see that main
character emphatically voicing his misunderstanding to
A misapprehension can happen in many different ways. For
example, an expectation that proves to be wrong is one kind
of misapprehension. Last night I watched an anime that had
the following scene that I found funny: The main character
is told by a second character that he has to join an ongoing
battle taking place in a nearby park (these two characters
are watching the battle on a video screen). The main
character agrees with that suggestion, and the next thing we
see is a rocket that out-of-nowhere springs up from the
floor, closes around that main character, and then flies him
away while he yells and acts surprised at what is happening.
I was surprised too, and I laughed a bit.
Of course, I was simply using
my own expectation for how that main character was going to
get to that park, and my expectation did not include a
rocket. Thus, I was laughing at my own misapprehension,
which was also the misapprehension of that main character,
since he was yelling and acting surprised.
This comedic strategy of an expectation that proves to be
wrong, has been excessively overused when it comes to
exploiting the expectations that we all have of how people
move the parts of their body. For example, in past years on
American TV, I have seen way too many exaggerated physical
movements for me to still laugh at such things.
The already mentioned Japanese
romance-comedy series, had several such attempts at humor.
For example, one scene had two guys in an office spreading
out on the floor many pages from a report they had to
prepare. Then we see another character walk into that
office, and without seeing those pages he starts to walk on
them until he is loudly told to get off, at which point we
see him react with wildly exaggerated movements, trying to
get off those pages on the floor, with the end result that
he makes a complete mess of them. I guess if I hadn’t
already seen that kind of joke - wild exaggerated movements
- a thousand times before on American TV, I might have
laughed at it.
In addition to the above examples, a few days ago during my
web browsing I came across a joke that made me laugh out
loud even though I was in a room by myself. The joke was
part of the write-up for a fund-raising auction of a single
t-shirt by the file-sharing guys who run The Pirate Bay,
which is located in Sweden. The winning bidder has to fly to
Sweden at his own expense to collect the t-shirt, but he
gets to meet, talk, and have drinks with The Pirate Bay
The joke was in the form of a
question-answer pair, with a quasi-serious question being
answered with a pseudo-serious joke as follows:
Q: If I were to win this
shirt, and fly out to see you, wouldn’t you then, in
return, have to fly back to visit me to keep your ratio
A: Actually, we would have to travel and visit several
people (especially your sister) as we prefer to keep our
ratio well above 1.
This question-answer pair has
several misapprehensions in it, all of which are deliberate:
The first misapprehension is that both the question and
answer parts treat the file-sharing upload-download ratio as
if it also applies to visits between people.
The second misapprehension (in
the answer part) turns the idea of reciprocal visits between
people (introduced by the question part) into the idea of
the guys from The Pirate Bay showing up to have sex with the
questioner’s sister. So, this question-answer pair has a
real one-two punch in terms of misapprehensions, with the
first misapprehension in the question part serving as the
setup for an even bigger misapprehension in the answer part.
Well, anyway, it certainly made me laugh.
Note that the mind part that determines what is funny is not
influenced by whether the misapprehension is deliberate or
not. After all, people laugh at jokes all the time knowing
full well that they are contrived. Given that the purpose of
the laughing feeling is to signal to the awareness, and also
to the awareness of others when one outwardly laughs, that
there is a misapprehension, this ignoring of the intent of
the misapprehension is understandable, because the intent is
left for other mind parts to deal with.
The crying feeling, which I have already described in a
previous footnote, is a neutral feeling that is neither
painful nor pleasant. In terms of its purpose, the crying
feeling is like the laughing feeling: both feelings signal
something to the awareness, and also to the awareness of
others when one outwardly does the action that is closely
associated with that feeling.
For the laughing feeling, the
action is laughing; for the crying feeling, the action is
crying or becoming teary eyed. The laughing feeling signals
detection of a misapprehension, but the crying feeling is
harder to pin down regarding what it is signaling, because,
based on my own experience with the crying feeling, it has
many different triggering causes, including good things, and
also bad things.
It seems that most everyone starts out with a substantial
allocation for the crying feeling, because most babies will
cry as a signal to others when hungry, or in pain, or
experiencing discomfort. Small children are also prone to
crying, especially when they suffer physical hurt or injury.
For a typical person, probably no later than puberty, at
least some of that crying-feeling allocation is reallocated
elsewhere, and the things that trigger that crying feeling
also change, at least to some extent. In my own case, from
my teen years onward, considering how rarely I felt the
crying feeling, it seems that by my early teens at the
latest, most of my previous allocation for the crying
feeling had been reallocated elsewhere.
From my teen years onward, prior to the large decline in my
ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent
reallocation which included a large increase in my
crying-feeling allocation, I had only cried or felt like
crying four times in my life, and each time it was about
something very bad.
After that large increase in my crying-feeling allocation, I
have felt the crying feeling many times, sometimes also
becoming teary eyed or crying a little, when watching
certain things in Japanese anime and non-anime shows. As a
rule, at least in my own case, triggering causes seem to be
almost exclusively moments when either family togetherness
wins against obstacles, or friendship wins against
obstacles, or lovers win against obstacles. These are good
things that I have the crying feeling for, in sharp contrast
to when I had a much smaller allocation for the crying
feeling and only certain very bad things were sufficient to
trigger that crying feeling.
Based on my own experience with the crying feeling, and also
after thinking about examples of when others cry, it appears
that the crying feeling is signaling to the awareness that
the unconscious mind considers the triggering cause as
something important that affects survival within a
community. Thus, the purpose of the crying feeling is
ultimately to promote community development and stability.
Typically, the community is some local community of two or
more people, such as family, friends, lovers, fellow workers
(a workplace community), and so on.
The neutrality of the crying feeling, being neither painful
nor pleasant, is consistent with that feeling being
triggered by both good things (things that promote survival
within the community), and bad things (things that work
against survival within the community). Note that it would
be inconsistent if the crying feeling were painful when
triggered by a good thing, and likewise inconsistent if the
crying feeling were pleasant when triggered by a bad thing.
Thus, it’s appropriate that
the crying feeling is neither painful nor pleasant.
Given Melanie’s list of triggering causes for the sadness
feeling (see the previous footnote), it seems that the
common element is a loss of some kind. So, Melanie has felt
sad over different kinds of personal loss, including such
things as loss of physical possessions, loss of trust
(betrayal by strangers and friends), loss of social standing
(embarrassment, poor grades), loss of normal physical
appearance (being overweight, having acne), loss of normal
body integrity (suffering an injury), loss of pets (deaths),
loss of freedom (lack of money), loss of other people
(deaths), and loss of physical comfort (being cold).
So, the sadness feeling is a signal to the awareness that
there has been a loss of some kind, and its ultimate purpose
is to encourage the awareness to make decisions that will
tend to avoid or lessen future losses. According to my
niece, sadness is always painful. This is consistent with
the sadness feeling always signaling something bad.
Sadness is an emotion that on average women have more than
men. Regarding this gender difference, I recall a quote from
a subtitled Japanese drama series I recently downloaded and
Women choose life, and men choose death.
The context for the quote was the following: A high-school
girl is in love with her math teacher, and he is in love
with her, but he has a brain tumor that will soon kill him,
and he is against having a low-chance-for-success operation
that could keep him alive but leave him with serious brain
damage and resulting mental losses.
So, he’s against having the
operation, but in the end, when he is close to death, his
girlfriend, along with an older woman, successfully work
together to get him to agree to have the operation (this
older woman is the one who says the quote; the story ends
with hints of a final happy post-operation outcome in which
the two lovers are ultimately together again).
So, what does this quote have to do with the sadness
feeling? Well, if one has an allocation for the sadness
feeling, sadness is something to be avoided, because sadness
is a painful feeling. My niece was saddened by death. So, on
that basis alone she would be inclined to choose
life-preserving actions for someone close to her, because
she knows from her own experience that death makes her sad.
The quote was memorable to me because upon hearing it I
realized I was thinking like a man, since in the same
situation I would choose death too.
Since I have never felt
sadness myself, I haven’t had the kind of pro-life
reinforcement that Melanie has had as a result of her being
saddened by death.
In the course of writing this footnote, after I had written
the text for the nine emotions listed above, I asked the
same friend who more than a year previously had made the
point that fear had a purpose, if there was any emotion I
had missed. He suggested anxiety, and he made it sound like
a real feeling which in his case happens in certain social
situations in which he gets this anxiety feeling and wants
to flee the scene. Thus, the apparent purpose of this
anxiety feeling is to encourage avoidance of certain social
situations that pose some kind of difficulty for that
I haven’t felt anxiety myself, at least not an intense
anxiety like he has sometimes felt, although I do remember
having been nervous a few times in my teens when facing
certain social situations I didn’t want. For example, I
remember that in high-school there were a few times when
everyone in the class had to prepare and give a talk to the
whole class about some subject approved by the teacher, and
I always felt nervous right before having to give my talk. I
guess feeling nervous in a social situation is an example of
the anxiety feeling.
Regarding anxiety’s place on the pleasure-pain scale, it has
to lie on the pain side, because feeling nervous is
unpleasant. Presumably, the more intense the anxiety
feeling, the worse it feels. Regarding gender difference, it
seems that on average the anxiety feeling is more heavily
allocated to women than men, because displays of high
anxiety levels, including such things as so-called panic
attacks, seem to be more common among women than men.
For the ten emotions listed above, seven emotions - depression,
happiness, fear, loneliness, the crying feeling, sadness, and
anxiety - are each on average more heavily allocated to women
than men, and the other three emotions - anger, joy, and the
laughing feeling - are each on average more heavily allocated to
men than women.
Some readers may wonder why I didn’t include love in the above
list of emotions. The reason is that there is no specific unique
feeling associated with being in love. In other words, one
doesn’t know that one’s in love by virtue of having the love
feeling, because there is no specific love feeling. Instead,
being in love is typically characterized by such things as
thinking a lot about the loved one, and being strongly attracted
to that loved one.
(As an aside about love: In my
latter twenties I read a magazine article in which the author
remarked that everyone falls in love 2½ times in their life, and
she was basing it on her own experience and the experience of
her friends. I have long since forgotten what that article was
about, but that remark about falling in love 2½ times has been
memorable for me, because it was also true in my own case: I had
fallen in love a total of three different times, and my last
time was only about half as intense as the first two times. I am
now much older than when I read that article, but that ½ love I
had in my early mid 20s is still the last time I was in love. I
guess the reason the last love is less intense is because it’s a
transition from full love to no love.)
In general, this same kind of argument can be used to reject
other things that one might think of as being an emotion. For
example, hate is not an emotion because there is no specific
unique feeling associated with hating something or someone.
Anger is probably the one emotion that people will most often
associate with hate, but anger is not hate. If one has an
allocation for anger, one may feel anger at different times
against the hated object. However, one could truthfully say that
they hate something or someone even if they never feel anger
towards that hated object, because hate is an intellectual
judgment in the sense of being a statement of strong opposition
In addition to love and hate, by using the same kind of argument
none of the following are emotions either: pride, kindness,
gratitude, appreciation, veneration, despair, hope, cowardice,
bravery, jealousy, envy, affection, friendship. You can probably
add to this list of non-emotions, since it’s far from complete.
This other-feelings category is a catchall category for any
feeling that is neither a body feeling nor an emotion. More
specifically, other than body feelings and emotions, any feeling
that serves as a signal from the unconscious mind to the
awareness - alerting the awareness to whatever it is one is
having that feeling about - can be put in this other-feelings
This category includes such
miscellaneous items as:
intuition and so-called
hunches or gut feelings
the feeling that you have
forgotten something without being able to consciously
remember what exactly it is that you have forgotten
the feeling that something is
different from what you remember, without consciously
knowing what exactly is different. For example, feeling that
a person you haven’t seen in a while is different, without
consciously knowing what is different (perhaps that person’s
hair was cut or colored differently, or something like that)
Feel free to add to this list of
other feelings as needed.
 Based on my own experience
so far (I am writing this footnote in June 2006 at age 50½), the
reallocations that happened to me in my middle age have mostly
been used to fill in allocation deficits I had. Thus, as a
result of those reallocations I am now closer to being average
for a man of my age and nationality.
The reallocations that happened to me were not subject to my
conscious control or wishes. But if I had a choice then (and not
knowing what I know now as a result of the reallocations that
happened to me), I would have used all the allocation losses
from my sexual mind part and elsewhere to improve my
intelligence. The improvement of my memory was something I would
have consciously wanted, but not at the expense of losing my
ability to intensely concentrate, which is what happened.
Also, I certainly would not have
chosen my sense of smell or my game-playing ability for
improvement, but that is where a substantial part of the
Given that allocation changes are not subject to conscious
control or influence, the question for reallocations is what are
the guiding factors that the unconscious mind uses to determine
how a given reallocation is distributed among the mind parts.
More specifically, which mind part, or parts, get the
awareness-particle input channels recently lost by some other
mind part. Perhaps the most important guiding factor, which
overrides other factors, is what may be called use it or lose
In effect, for each mind part that
can get an allocation of awareness-particle input channels, that
mind part will typically get at some point in a given person’s
current life cycle a substantial allocation for that mind part,
because otherwise, if too much time passes without that mind
part getting an adequate allocation, the evolutionary forces at
work in that person’s mind may eventually change that mind part
to lose its capacity to accept or use an allocation (more
specifically, by evolutionary forces I mean the learned-program
mechanism described in section 3.6). Thus, in effect, use it or
Given that the human life cycle begins around the time of birth
and ends around the time of rebirth into the next human life, I
guess that in a typical life cycle for at least most of us, for
all the mind parts that can get an allocation of
awareness-particle input channels, each of those mind parts will
at some point in that life cycle get a substantial allocation.
As a rule, to avoid the use it or lose it danger, body-related
mind parts, especially those mind parts that are inactive in the
lucid-dream stage of the afterlife, including the senses of
smell, touch, and taste, will need their allocations when the
body is still present. For non-body-related mind parts, such as
all the intellectual mind parts and the emotional mind parts,
substantial allocations for these mind parts can be postponed
until the afterlife period, between death and rebirth. It is
probably typical for each person in their afterlife period to
have maximum allocations for all or nearly all of the
intellectual and emotional mind parts, but not necessarily
maximum allocations all at the same time or for the same
In general, it is probably typical that the less one has of a
particular intellectual ability or emotion during the current
embodied life, the more likely that one will have during the
afterlife a maximum or near maximum allocation for that
intellectual or emotional mind part, and for a longer duration
than would have been the case otherwise.
Thus, for example, a woman who
couldn’t add two plus two when she was alive, is probably more
likely during her afterlife to have a maximum allocation for
math ability for a longer duration than someone who was good in
math while alive. Having a maximum allocation for the math mind
part (or whatever mind parts work together to give math ability)
would give her a math ability - but presumably not the math
knowledge unless she works it out herself or gets it from others
- comparable to that of the greatest human mathematicians.
Within the current life cycle, regarding an emotion’s
time-averaged allocation level during embodied life, and then
during the afterlife: Assuming that the less one has a given
emotion in embodied life, the more one will have that emotion in
the afterlife, it follows that averaging for all women over
their entire afterlife period, and averaging for all men over
their entire afterlife period, that in the afterlife, women tend
to have more the emotional makeup of men, and men tend to have
more the emotional makeup of women.
Regarding gender and the physical body, Ian Stevenson’s book,
Where Reincarnation and Biology Intersect (op. cit.), left me
with the impression that it’s typical for a person to have many
lives in a row as the same gender, before eventually switching
to the opposite gender. Typically somewhere between ten to forty
lives before switching.
This is my crude estimate based on
the limited relevant data given in his book. Note that this very
long time between having the other gender’s body is not a
problem for the construction of that new body, because, with the
possible exception of constructing parts of the brain (assuming
the mind’s bions were brain bions in the previous embodiment),
the mind that passes from one life to the next is not directly
responsible for constructing the new body. Instead, it is
probably typical that the new body is constructed mostly by
recently abandoned bions that were last used in human bodies of
the same gender as the new body.
Regarding having a suitable mental and emotional makeup for the
new life as the opposite gender, given what’s said above about
how all the intellectual abilities and emotions are fully
exercised during a typical life cycle, it follows that whenever
one switches to the opposite gender, one’s mind is already fully
prepared to support an allocation plan that gives an
intellectual and emotional makeup consistent with that gender.
Whether or not one actually gets an allocation plan consistent
with that gender depends on other factors, including the
unconscious mind’s intention for that new life.
Stevenson’s book details about half-a-dozen reincarnation cases
where the child was the opposite gender in its remembered
previous life (for example, a girl remembering her previous life
as a man).
In these cases that Stevenson
details, typically for that child there is some significant
carryover from the previous life in terms of that child’s
attitudes and preferences, the most common of which (based on
those cases in his book) is a preference for wearing the
opposite gender’s clothing (for example, a girl who remembers
being a man in her previous life, wanting to dress like a boy).
Perhaps this cross-dressing
preference is primarily due to that child wanting to identify
with its remembered previous life, or perhaps it’s primarily due
to that child’s current allocation plan, or perhaps both factors
are contributing to that child’s cross-dressing preference.
Most children, of course, have no
conscious memory of their previous life. So, for most children,
even if they were the opposite gender in their previous life,
they are probably less likely on average to want to cross-dress
than those children who actually remember their previous life as
the opposite gender.
Assuming it’s typical to switch genders after many lives in a
row as the same gender, it seems reasonable to suppose that on
average, due to force of habit from the preceding string of
lives as the same gender, that the likelihood of getting an
allocation plan that makes one effeminate (if one’s preceding
string of lives was female), or masculine (if one’s preceding
string of lives was male), or homosexual, or bisexual, is
different for a switch life than for a non-switch life.
More specifically, if one divides
the currently alive human population into the following
The current life has the
same gender as the most recent previous life.
The current life is
The current life is
The current life has the
opposite gender (the current life is a switch life).
The current life is
The current life is
The rates of homosexuality and
bisexuality should be greater in group 2 than in group 1.
The rate of effeminacy (having
mental qualities considered feminine) should be greatest in
group 1b. The ordering, from highest rate of effeminacy to
lowest: 1b, 2b, 2a, 1a. The rate of masculinity (having mental
qualities considered masculine) should be greatest in group 1a.
The ordering, from highest rate of masculinity to lowest: 1a,
2a, 2b, 1b.
 Presumably, in terms of the
underlying mental programs of the unconscious mind, different
people have the same or nearly the same programming. The
justification for this presumed sameness is given in section
10.6 as follows:
This explanation for human
mental differences, that they result primarily from
differences in how the awareness-particle input channels
have been allocated, means that humanity as a whole can
share the same underlying programming of the mind parts.
This greatly lessens the burden placed on the
learned-program mechanism and its associated sharing
mechanism (section 3.6), because there is no need to suggest
that there are many substantially different versions of
human mental programming, and likewise there is no need to
suggest that human mental differences result from localized
evolution of an individual’s mental programming over a short
However, evolution is an ongoing
process, so, for humanity as a whole to remain in synch with
itself in terms of everyone having the same or nearly the same
underlying mind parts and programming of those mind parts, there
must be some kind of sharing process involving our unconscious
minds, that, in effect, judges evolutionary changes to mental
programs and applies a selection process to those changes, with
an end result that over time each person replaces some or all of
their mental programs with better versions that evolved
elsewhere in one or more other human minds.
Regarding this sharing process and
how it might work, I imagine the following two extremes:
1. no group-level selection
In this sharing process, all sharing is on an individual
basis. Each unconscious mind decides for itself the sharing
details, including what (which of its mental programs are
replaced), when (when is the replacement done), and who
(from which other unconscious mind is the replacement code
copied; this assumes that the other unconscious mind will
cooperate to whatever extent its cooperation is needed for
the wanted copy operation to be done).
2. maximum group-level
In this sharing process, everyone is in competition with
everyone else to supply the next update of humanity’s mental
programs. In this competition, there is only one winner:
whoever is judged as having the overall best mental
programming. This winner becomes the source from which
everyone else will copy and replace their current mental
A few points worth
The frequency of these
competitions would presumably be somewhat dependent on
the average rate of evolutionary change in individual
human minds. The faster and more quickly human minds on
average diverge from each other, the more frequent these
competitions would have to be, assuming that excessive
fragmentation of humanity due to evolved program
differences is to be avoided. I don’t know what the
relevant evolutionary rate is, so I don’t know whether
the average time between successive competitions is
measured in thousands of years, or millions of years, or
some other unit.
competition is not subject to direct conscious control
or influence. Thus, there won’t be any council of elders
in the afterlife deciding who wins, or any such
imaginary conscious involvement in the selection
process. Instead, the selection process is managed by
our unconscious minds which communicate with each other.
Note that conscious control over the selection process
is impossible, because we have no conscious control of
the program-sharing mechanism that would do the actual
copying and replacement of mental programs. Thus, no one
can consciously force the selected winner’s mental
programs to be copied to other minds.
group-level selection process is itself an evolutionary
result, and its programming is in one or more of our
mind parts. Thus, if one traces back far enough in the
evolutionary history of our mental programs, originally
there was no group-level selection. Insofar as when it
began, if this group-level selection process was already
in the mental programs inherited from the Caretakers at
humanity’s beginning, then one would have to trace back
before humanity began, and even back before the
Caretakers began if they themselves also inherited it.
After I first thought of
this group-level selection process, I remembered
something I read when I was much younger, that mankind
cycles thru different ages that grow progressively
worse: golden age, silver age, bronze age, iron age; and
we are currently in the iron age which is the worst age.
Although this idea of ages is clearly fanciful, it could
be somewhat true if this group-level selection process
is real, and we are near the time of the next winner.
Presumably, the nearer to the time of the next winner,
the more divergent on average human minds are from each
other - divergent in terms of their mental programming -
and this results in more disunity and conflict between
them, in addition to the usual disunity and conflict
that results from different allocation plans and
different life circumstances.
Regarding the selection
criteria used to pick the winner, your guess is as good
as mine. On the surface it may seem that the current
competition frontrunners would tend to have notable
lives and achievements, such as being rich and famous,
or distinguished and extraordinary in some other way.
Maybe, but maybe not. Perhaps the real competition
frontrunners tend to have very ordinary lives and
allocation plans. Well, whatever. There are too many
unknowns for me to reach any conclusions about this.
Regardless of whether the actual
sharing process for humanity is no group-level selection or
maximum group-level selection, or somewhere in-between, any
replacement of one or more of one’s mental programs, whenever it
happens, would happen when one is asleep (section 10.3).
To minimize interference within a
given life cycle, the best time to replace mental programs
during that life cycle would be around the time of rebirth, at
the end of that life cycle and the beginning of the next.
Back to Contents
This glossary defines two different reality models, namely the
mathematics-only reality model and the computing-element reality
model. For the computing-element reality model, elementary particles
exist as blocks of information, and are either common particles or
intelligent particles. For common particles, there are at least two
classes: p-common particles and d-common particles.
For intelligent particles, there are two
types: bions and solitons.
An intelligent particle that has no associated awareness.
Each cell is inhabited and controlled by a bion. Each adult
man or woman, has a cooperating population of roughly 50
trillion bions - assuming one bion per cell. The bions of
the brain collectively form the mind, and the mind is guided
by a soliton.
A particle that has relatively simple state information,
consisting only of attribute values. This simplicity allows
the interactions between common particles to be expressed
with mathematical equations. Prime examples of common
particles are electrons, photons, and quarks.
computing-element reality model
The computing-element reality model states that the
universe’s particles are controlled by computers.
Specifically, the computing-element reality model states
that the universe is a vast, space-filling,
three-dimensional array of tiny, identical, computing
elements. A computing element is a self-contained computer,
with its own memory. Each computing element is connected to
other computing elements, and each computing element runs
its own copy of the same large and complex program - called
the computing-element program. Each elementary particle in
the universe exists only as a block of information that is
stored as data in the memory of a computing element. Thus,
all particles are both manipulated as data, and moved about
as data, by these computing elements. Consequently, the
reality that people experience is a computer-generated
The common particles observed during a lucid-dream
out-of-body experience. These d-common particles do not
interact with p-common particles.
A particle whose complex state information typically
includes learned programs and data used by those learned
programs. In general, because of this complexity, it is not
possible to express with mathematical equations the
interactions involving intelligent particles.
mathematics-only reality model
The mathematics-only reality model is, at the end of the
20th century, the reality model of science. This is a very
restrictive reality model that rejects as impossible any
particle whose interactions cannot be described with
mathematical equations. Because the equations of physics can
be computed, everything allowed by the mathematics-only
reality model is also allowed by the computing-element
The common particles of physics. Specifically, the
electrons, quarks, photons, and other elementary particles
An intelligent particle that has an associated awareness.
Each person has a single soliton, which is the location of
the separate, solitary awareness that each person
experiences. The soliton in each person interacts with the
bions of the brain that collectively form the mind.
Back to Contents
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